Su Tseng-chang says No to the Vice-presidency

Su Tseng-chang says No to the Vice-presidency
United Daily News editorial
translated by Bevin Chu
April 14, 2007

Comment: According to the rhetoric of democratic universalism, ambitious politicians within democracies and other monopolistic states seek political office because "they wish to dedicate themselves to public service,"

If you are too old for bedtime stories, you are old enough to realize this assertion is a fairy tale.

The unseemly narcissism displayed by the ambitious politicians mentioned in the following United Daily News editorial reveals the real reason why politicians within democracies and other monopolistic states seek elective office.

They want to "be somebody." And once they have "become somebody" by winning elective office, they want to remake the world in their own image, and they want to do it using our hard-earned tax money.

Let's face it. Why should any of us give a damn which ambitious demagogue insists on being president, and which is willing to "settle" for being vice-president?

Why should any of us meekly accept the premise that these ambitious demagogues have a right to live off our tax money?

If anyone knows a better reason for rejecting democracy and opting for market anarchism than this, speak up.


Premier Su Tseng-chang (DPP)


Speaker of the Legislature Wang Jin-Pyng (KMT) A Pan Green Wolf in Pan Blue Sheep's Clothing?

Su Tseng-chang says No to the Vice-presidency
United Daily News editorial
translated by Bevin Chu
April 14, 2007

The road to the presidency is riddled with obstacles. On the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) side, Su Tseng-chang has declared that if he loses the party primaries, he will turn down the vice-presidential slot. On the Kuomintang (KMT) side, Wang Jin-pyng refuses to commit to a "Ma Wang ticket."

Su Tseng-chang's declaration shows that the issue of who will be the DPP's presidential candidate may cause trouble. On the KMT side, Wang Jin-pyng's moves have made it hard for him to accept a "Ma Wang ticket" for fear of becoming a laughingstock. Not only are the identities of the candidates uncertain, so are the methods by which they will be chosen.

Su Tseng-chang's declaration that "he won't accept the vice-presidency" reveals his determination to burn his bridges, to do or die, in order to consolidate his voter base. Another consideration is the divisive effects of the primaries. Whether the result is a "Su Hsieh ticket" or a "Hsieh Su ticket," bad blood may make any shotgun marriage impossible. Su Tseng-chang has declared that "he won't accept the vice-presidency." On the one hand he is attempting to turn calls for a "Hsieh Su ticket" around, hoping to bring back swing voters. On the other hand he is rejecting the idea of a "Su Hsieh ticket." The question is if Su declares that "he won't accept the vice-presidency," can we really expect Hsieh to declare "No problem, the vice-presidency is okay with me?"

Su and Hsieh are two candidates evenly matched in popularity, but with clear differences in direction and style. Whether Su or Hsieh emerges as the DPP's presidential candidate will have a dramatically different impact on the future of the DPP and Taiwan. Therefore whether Su or Hsieh emerges as the frontrunner really does make a difference. The DPP party primaries have not allowed the differences in the two candidates to come to the fore. Su Tseng-chang's declaration that "he won't accept the vice-presidency" may be an attempt to underscore the differences between the two candidates, to prevent the party primaries from becoming focused exclusively on the issue of "who will be president and who will be vice-president." If that is the case, the election has changed from a "non zero sum" game into a "zero sum" game.

Meanwhile, inside the KMT, Wang Jin-pying has taken Ma Ying-jeou hostage. That is why Ma has reiterated that he "would give priority to Legislative Speaker Wang as his vice-presidential running mate." Wang Jin-pyng has questioned Ma Ying-jeou's status as frontrunner in no uncertain terms. He refuses to say whether he would accept the vice-presidential spot on a Ma Wang ticket. When confronted, Wang Jin-pyng will only say "Thank you," and "I will continue listening to the public." In fact, Wang Jin-pyng is merely attempting to keep Ma Ying-jeou hostage. By refusing to indicate whether he would accept the vice-presidency, he is preventing Ma Ying-jeou from settling on a campaign strategy. As long as Wang Jin-pyng refuses to clarify his position, Ma Ying-jeou cannot plan ahead. Wang Jin-pyng is giving himself maneuvering room while imprisoning Ma Ying-jeou in a box.

Su Tseng-chang has declared that "he won't accept the vice-presidency." Wang Jin-pyng, even more than Su Tseng-chang, ought to do the same. Wang Jin-pyng's outrageous remark that "elite elements from an ethnic minority have no right to govern an ethnic majority," directed against Ma Ying-jeou, amounts to an open accusation that the KMT party primaries lack legitimacy. But if Ma Ying-jeou becomes the party's presidential candidate through a process that Wang Jin-pying has declared lacks legitimacy, how will Wang Jin-pyng justify becoming his running mate? Wang Jin-pyng has said that when he met with Lien Chan two days ago, Lien did not ask him to sign a pledge not to abandon the party and declare an independent candidacy. Wang Jin-pyng wants the right to abandon the party and declare an independent candidacy. At the same time he wants to lean on Lien Chan. So why not come right out and declare forthrightly that "he won't accept the vice-presidency?"

Based on political calculations, Wang Jin-pyng has refused to take a stand on a potential "Ma Wang ticket." Wang's calculating behavior harms Ma Ying-jeou and the KMT without benefitting himself. If Wang Jin-pyng were to commit to a "Ma Wang ticket," and Ma Ying-jeou was indicted, Wang could still be the KMT's presidential candidate, and could serve more effectively in Ma's stead. If Wang Jin-pyng wants us to believe that committing to a "Ma Wang ticket" today would make it harder for him to stand in for Ma tomorrow, he is not being truthful. By stalling for time, Wang Jin-pyng is engaging in wishful thinking. He wants to be certain that abandoning the party and declaring an independent candidacy is no longer an option before he accepts a "Ma Wang ticket." His political calculations are a little too devious. Wang Jin-pyng will have to decide whether to accept a "Ma Wang ticket." The KMT should give Wang Jin-pyng a deadline by which he must respond. If Wang Jin-pyng drags his feet and refuses to commit, he is not only holding Ma Ying-jeou hostage, he is holding the entire KMT hostage.

Su Tseng-chang has declared that "he won't accept the vice-presidency." But if circumstances force him to change his position, Su Tseng-chang would not rule out the DPP's vice-presidential nomination. This is what makes the DPP unique, its flexibility and willingness to see the bigger picture. So far Wang Jin-pyng has not declared whether he would accept the vice-presidency. His failure to do so will undermine his legitimacy in the event he belatedly does. It will also endanger the KMT's election prospects. Damaging the party without benefitting himself. Is this the strategy Wang Jin-pyng has chosen?

For the KMT and DPP, the election has focused on the question of who is or is not willing to accept the vice-presidency. Su Tseng-chang has decided to participate in DPP party primaries and has declared that "he won't accept the vice-presidency." Wang Jin-pyng on the other hand, has denounced the KMT party primaries and refused to state whether he would accept the vice-presidency. The reactions of the two parties to similar circumstances underscore their very real differences.

Original Chinese below:

從蘇貞昌宣示不當副手談起
聯合報／社論
2007/04/14

總統大選變幻詭譎。在民進黨方面，蘇貞昌揚言「初選落敗，不當副手」；在國民黨方面，王金平迄不願對「馬王配」表態。

蘇貞昌此話，顯示民進黨「初選前二名正副搭檔」的主張可能生變；另在國民黨方面，則王金平將情勢操弄至今日地步，他若接受「馬王配」，亦恐成鬧劇與笑柄。換句話說，現在非但總統候選人皆未定，而且如何搭檔的變數亦驟增。

蘇貞昌「不當副手」的放話，主要是展現破釜沉舟、背水一戰的決心，以鞏固初選票源。他的另一層考慮，則可能是因初選的撕裂效應日見嚴重，未來無論「蘇謝配」或「謝蘇配」，氣味皆已不對，恐怕不能強配。蘇貞昌如今宣示「不當副手」，一方面是在試圖轉化「謝蘇配」希望他退而求其次的游離選票，另一方面亦不無同時否定「蘇謝配」的意味。試問：蘇宣示「不當副手」，難道謝能說「無魚蝦也好，副手也可以」？

蘇謝二人的民氣旗鼓相當，但在路線及風格上卻有明顯差異；二者何人出線競選總統，或當選總統，對民進黨未來的走向及台灣的前景亦將有相當不同的影響。因而，對民進黨而言，及對台灣而言，蘇謝二者何人出線確有差別；但是，民進黨內「初選前二名正副搭檔」的期待，卻使蘇謝二人的差異無以凸顯。如今，蘇貞昌「不當副手」的宣示，無非是欲凸顯二人的差異，使選情不再陷於「初選前二名正副搭檔」的泥淖中。倘係如此，選局已從「非零和」（非正即副），變成了「零和」（不當副手）。

再看國民黨的馬王之爭。馬英九被王金平挾持，因此反覆宣示「優先徵詢王院長為副手」；但王金平一方面厲言否定了馬英九出線的正當性，另一方面卻對是否接受「馬王配」為副總統候選人遲不表態。面對追問，王金平只有「謝謝」和「繼續傾聽基層聲音」兩句話。其實，王金平的此種手段，只是更權謀地、更具殺傷力地挾持了馬英九；他既不明確承諾當副手，讓馬英九早日拿定走向；亦不明確拒任副手，放馬英九自由。結果是，王金平進退自如，馬英九進退失據。

蘇貞昌宣示「不任副手」，王金平其實更應如此。王金平對「少數族群菁英」馬英九之不以為然溢於言表，對國民黨初選之不具正當性亦公開抨擊；則倘若馬英九是透過如此不具正當性的黨內初選程序出線，而王金平若竟接納為搭檔副手，豈能自圓其說？何況，直至最近兩天，王金平尚稱，他與連戰見面，連戰並未要他簽下「不脫黨參選」的協議承諾；然則，王金平既仍要擺出未承諾「不脫黨參選」的架式，又一切僅以「連戰說」為憑靠，何不亦直接表明「不任副手」以明心志？

王金平迄今未對「馬王配」表態，充滿權謀計算；可謂損馬英九不利己，亦損國民黨不利己。其實，萬一馬英九若因案不能參選，王金平即使已承諾「馬王配」，亦仍可代表國民黨參選總統，且可能更有利於代馬出征；但王金平方面如今放話，謂接受「馬王配」將不利未來代馬出征，其實似是而非。王金平的如意算盤，似欲將情勢拖延至他「脫黨參選」的可能性完全破滅之時，才開口接受「馬王配」，這種政治算盤就未免太過機巧了。王金平應當早日對是否接受「馬王配」表態，國民黨亦應要求王金平給一個回答的最後期限。因為，王金平遲不表態，不僅是挾持了馬英九，亦不啻挾持了整個國民黨。

蘇貞昌雖宣示「不當副手」，但若未來情勢變化至他必須改口的階段，蘇貞昌亦不無屈居副手的可能性。這正是民進黨的特質，維持彈性，顧全大局。但王金平迄今未對是否「不當副手」表態，只會使他未來承諾出任副手的正當性愈來愈低，亦必使國民黨的選情更趨險惡。損黨不利己，這難道就是王金平的心志所向？

選情變化至今，對國民黨及民進黨而言，似乎皆將以宣示「當不當副手」來澄清情勢。但是，蘇貞昌參加初選而宣示不當副手，與王金平否定初選卻不對是否出任副手表態，兩黨在相似的情勢中，其實仍有不可以道里計的差異存在！