Chen and Hsieh, Then and Now

Chen and Hsieh, Then and Now
United Daily News editorial
translated by Bevin Chu
June 12, 2007

Comment: This editorial correctly notes that:

If Frank Hsieh wants to tout his "Taiwanese Reformation," he must first clean up his own image, he must change the DPP's tune, and he must recalibrate the nation's political and economic goals.

Is that all?

Good luck. Because it ain't gonna happen.

Chen and Hsieh, Then and Now
United Daily News editorial
translated by Bevin Chu
June 12, 2007

In 2000, Chen Shui-bian represented the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) in its presidential bid. In 2008, Frank Hsieh will represent the DPP in its presidential bid. Eight years later, the political climate is completely different. So are Chen and Hsieh's personal qualifications.

For starters, their public personas are different. Chen Shui-bian's public persona was that of a "poor boy made good" from a "Category Three Impoverished Household" who was "always first in his class." Frank Hsieh by contrast, has been badly scarred by a string of scandals, including the Soong Chi-li scandal, the faked recording tape scandal, the Speaker of the Kaohsiung City Council vote buying scandal, the political contributions scandal, and the Kaohsiung Mass Rapid Transit scandal. In 2000 the DPP revised its party constitution just for Chen, making him the sole candidate endorsed by the party. Frank Hsieh by contrast, has been forced to engage in bloody factional warfare, fighting his way out of encirclement by the other Princes of the DPP. Back then Chen's candidacy was said to have united the DPP. Hsieh's current victory by contast, is said to have divided the DPP. Back then Chen received Nobel Laureate Lee Yuan-tseh's endorsement. Frank Hsieh by contrast, has been labeled "treacherous" and "corrupt" by former DPP premier Su Tseng-chang. Back then Chen Shui-bian had the help of people such as Luo Wen-chia and Ma Yung-cheng. Frank Hsieh by contrast, only has the help of people such as Hsu Kuo-yung, Kuan Pi-ling, and Hsieh Hsing-yi. Chen's image back then was relatively unsullied. Hsieh's image today is much less so.

In 2000, Chen used "regime change" as a clarion call, creating an intoxicating atmosphere of "Dare to hope. Follow your dream." Back then, no one had any idea how the DPP would conduct itself once it was in power. They harbored rosy expectations. Eight years later, Frank Hsieh must answer for a DPP that has been in power for the past eight years, and for a dream of clean government has been reduced to a nightmare of corruption. Eight years later "joy and hope" have turned to pain and disillusionment. Eight years ago Chen Shui-bian asked the public to "Give the DPP a chance." Eight years later, the public wants to "Give the DPP the punishment it deserves." Eight years ago Chen Shui-bian urged the public to "Follow your dream." Eight years later, Frank Hsieh must deal with a public awakening from a nightmare.

For the past eight years, the DPP and Chen Shui-bian have skillfully manipulated the issue of Taiwan independence and social tensions. Although they have weakened the health of the nation, they have inadvertently allowed the people to see through their lies and to regain consciousness. Frank Hsieh is calling for "Taiwanese Reformation" and "Conciliation and Coexistence." The implication being that Chen Shui-bian's excesses require correction, and that he intends to change course. But even assuming Frank Hsieh is serious, does he have the wherewithal to make it happen?

In fact Frank Hsieh's "Taiwanese Reformation" and "conciliation and coexistence" today is no different from Chen Shui-bian's "New Centrist Path" back then. Both attempt to lay claim to the broadest portion of the political spectrum. The difference is that back then no one was riding on Chen Shui-bian's head. He did not have to answer to a higher authority. He could adopt a "New Centrist Path" if he wanted. Today however, Chen Shui-bian is riding on Frank Hsieh's head. Hsieh's freedom of action has been severely hampered. In 2000 Chen Shui-bian did his utmost to reduce conflict over Taiwan independence and between social groups to their minimum. Today Chen Shui-bian is doing everything in his power to increase confrontation over the issue of Taiwan independence and social tensions between different segments of society to a fever pitch. Eight years ago Chen Shui-bian exercised total control. Eight years later Frank Hsieh would like to exercise total control, but the only one who has total control is Chen Shui-bian.

The nation has undergone radical change over the past eight years. Taiwan went from the head of the Four Asian Dragons to the tail. Mainland China has not declined, but rapidly risen. Mutual trust between Taiwan and the US has reached a new low. The DPP has become political prisoner of the US. Taiwan's economy is in a depression, and people's lives are hard. Political henchmen manipulate the justice system from behind the scenes. The educational system has degenerated into a Taiwan independence theater of the absurd. Social justice is dead. The public is demoralized. The "Rectification of Names" and "New Constitution" campaigns have been trotted out repeatedly. In the end they have proven to be nothing but self-deception. "Taiwan independence" has become a synonym for "corruption and incompetence." Internal power struggles within the DPP have evolved in "wars of reunification vs. independence." Eight years ago, Chen Shui-bian did not need to face any of this. Today, eight years later, Frank Hsieh must take the heat for the DPP's broken promisesl.

In short, during the past eight years, we have fallen into dire straits. Compared to Frank Hsieh, Chen Shui-bian's public image was squeaky clean. Chen came from a "Category Three Impoverished Household." Hsieh by contrast has been characterized as "treacherous." Back then society wanted to "Give the DPP a chance." Today it wants to "Give the DPP the punishment it deserves." Back then the DPP was united. Today the DPP is divided. Back then the nation's political and economic foundation was solid. Today the the nation's political and economic foundations are crumbling. Most importantly, back then Chen Shui-bian answered to no higher authority. Today Chen Shui-bian has Frank Hsieh by the throat!

If Frank Hsieh wants to tout his "Taiwanese Reformation," he must first clean up his own image, he must change the DPP's tune, and he must recalibrate the nation's political and economic goals. The thorniest problem for Frank Hsieh is how to carry out "reform" while under Chen Shui-bian's thumb. If he can't "reform" Chen Shui-bian, then he can forget about any other "reforms."

Original Chinese below:

八年前的陳水扁與今天的謝長廷
【聯合報╱社論】
2007.06.12 04:14 am

二○○○年，陳水扁代表民進黨競選總統；二○○八年，謝長廷將代表民進黨競選總統。相隔八年，客觀環境變化極大，扁謝二人的主觀條件也大不相同。

首先，扁謝二人在起步時的品牌形象頗有差異。陳水扁當年仍有「三級貧戶」及「永遠第一名的阿扁」的形象；但謝長廷如今卻已歷經宋七力、利用偽造錄音帶、高雄市議長賄選案、獻金案、高捷案等衝擊，品牌形象傷痕累累。其次，扁在二○○○年起步時，民進黨為他修改黨章，成為舉黨一致支持的候選人；謝長廷則是從「四大天王」刀刀見骨的肉搏戰中殺出重圍。當年，扁出線參選「團結了民進黨」，謝如今勝出則是「分裂了民進黨」。何況，扁當年有李遠哲給予加持，但謝長廷卻被蘇貞昌貼上「奸巧」及「貪汙」的標籤。再者，當年陳水扁的身邊是羅文嘉、馬永成之類；如今謝長廷的身邊則是徐國勇、管碧玲、謝欣霓之屬。總之，就扁謝二人在起步時的品牌形象言，扁當年相對比較單純，謝如今則複雜得多。

扁在二○○○年起步時，是以「政黨輪替」為號召，營造「有夢最美，希望相隨」的氛圍；當年，無人知道民進黨真正執政後將有何種表現，卻有浪漫的期待。但在八年後的今天，謝長廷卻面對民進黨已經執政八年後的台灣。八年前清廉勤政的憧憬，如今卻成了貪腐之島；八年前的「快樂希望」，如今卻成了痛苦失望。八年前，陳水扁撩起「給民進黨一次機會」的民意；八年後，謝長廷卻須面對「給民進黨一個懲罰」的民憤。八年前，陳水扁說「有夢最美」；八年後，謝長廷卻儼然到了「噩夢驚醒」的時分！

最值得注意的是：這八年來，民進黨及陳水扁已將「統獨／族群」的鬥爭，及各種政爭權謀，操弄得淋漓盡致；一方面雖惡化了台灣的體質，但另一方面卻也使人民因看穿、看破而逐漸甦醒。謝長廷標榜「台灣維新」及「和解共生」，寓意即是對於陳水扁「過度操作」的修正，希望能從牛角尖中回過頭來。但謝長廷想回頭，他自己作得了主嗎？

其實，今日主張「台灣維新」、「和解共生」的謝長廷，與當年主張「新中間路線」的陳水扁一樣，皆是想在政治光譜上佔據較大的幅員而已。但是，當年陳水扁的頭上，沒有比他更高的權威，所以他可以向「新中間路線」移動；如今謝長廷的頭上卻有一個陳水扁，因而謝的自主性及自由度皆受壓制。簡直而言，陳水扁二○○○ 年起步時，他全力將統獨族群衝突壓到最低；但如今謝長廷起步，陳水扁卻全力將統獨族群衝突掀至最高。八年前陳水扁自己完全作得了主，八年後謝長廷卻未必能完全作主，而陳水扁仍在作主！

再就國家情勢言，前後八年，亦是變化極大。台灣由四小龍之首變成之末；中國未見「下坡」，而是迅猛「崛起」。台美互信跌至谷底，民進黨已成為美國的政治囚徒。台灣經濟凋敝，民生日苦。政治黑手伸入司法，教育淪為台獨戲台。社會正義淪喪，人心疏離渙散。正名制憲炒過多次，最終仍是自欺欺人。「台獨」幾乎等於是「貪腐無能」的同義辭，民進黨的內鬥也演成「統獨」大戰。這些，八年前的陳水扁皆不必面對，但謝長廷在八年後的今日卻必須概括承受。

總之，前後八年，卻已是滄海桑田。陳水扁當年的品牌形象較謝長廷佳；陳是「三級貧戶」，謝如今卻是「奸巧」。社會當年欲「給民進黨一個機會」，如今卻可能要「給民進黨一個懲罰」。當年民進黨團結，如今民進黨撕裂。當年國家政經根底尚稱穩固，如今國家政經情勢趨於解構。最主要的是：當年陳水扁之上無更高權威；如今謝長廷之上卻被陳水扁掐住脖子！

謝長廷標榜「台灣維新」，首須清洗他自己的形象，再調整民進黨的步調，又須重新擘畫國家政經路線。對謝長廷最棘手的卻是，如何在陳水扁的宰制下進行「維新」；倘不能「維新」陳水扁，謝長廷也就不必奢談妄言其他「維新」了！