The Marginalization of the Nation and Economic Polarization of Society

The Marginalization of the Nation and Economic Polarization of Society
United Daily News editorial
A Translation
February 18, 2008

Ma Ying-jeou and Frank Hsieh are engaged in a final struggle over the Presidency of the Republic of China. After spinning its wheels for nearly 20 years, Taiwan's economy is also engaged in a final struggle of its own -- to return from dead.

The presidential election has been reduced to the level of accusations about who held a green card and who was a police informant. These issues are not irrelevant. But they were decisions made by Harvard student Ma Ying-jeou when he was still uncertain about his future; and Frank Hsieh, when he was caught on the horns of a political dilemma. Such sideshows may undermine their public image. But they were events that occurred 20 to 30 years ago. What voters care about is Ma Ying-jeou today and Frank Hsieh today, and where they intend to take Taiwan tomorrow. In short, whether Ma or Hsieh deserves to win this final struggle ought to hinge on who one can give Taiwan one last chance.

Taiwan's economic crisis is not yet fully apparent. But if Taiwan continues to spin its wheels as it has over the past 20 years, then it has no future whatsoever. The Taiwan region faces two major crises: 1. the political marginalization of the ROC, and 2. the economic polarization of Taiwan society, leading to an "M-shaped Society." Ma and Hsieh need not remain mired in mud-slinging over green cards and police informants. Instead they should tell the nation how they intend to solve these two major crises.

First let's talk about the political marginalization of the ROC. In terms of international politics, the end of the Cold War and mainland China's "peaceful rise" quickly marginalized the ROC's strategic role. In terms of international economics, globalization and the attractions of mainland China led to a brain drain in Taiwan's core industries over the past 20 years. These, along with the shift of traditional industries from the mainland's coastal region to the interior, have driven Taiwan businessmen further inland or offshore. As the above indicators reveal, Taiwan's economy is rapidly being marginalized. Politically and economically the region is already well on its way to marginalization. What people want to know is what Ma and Hsieh intend to do about it.

Now let's talk about the M-shaped Society. Taiwan's economic performance depends upon a handful of leading edge technology and science parks supported by the government via tax concessions and special privileges, and a handful of fertilizer manufacturers. They do little to increase economic equality. Industries of this sort nourish only those at the top of the economic pyramid while starving those at the base. Abundant exports coupled with inadequate domestic demand has gradually polarized the economy and turned Taiwan into an M-shaped Society. Powerful elites can seek profits in the international arena. The lumpenproletariat meanwhile, can only fight for scraps under the table. The grim challenge that Ma and Hsieh face is how to enhance the international competitiveness of the strong while increasing local opportunities for the disadvantaged. The challenge is how to provide opportunities for both poles of the M-shaped Society, how to avoid helping only the rich or the poor, or worse, neither.

An "Isle of Liberty" is the only solution that can deal with both these crises. An Isle of Liberty stresses neither the freedom to leave nor the freedom to enter. The purpose of the Three Direct Links, for example, is not merely to facilitate leaving, it is also to facilitate the entry of international capital. If Taiwan hopes to become part of the international economy, it can hardly rely on a handful of science parks. All of Taiwan must become a part of the international economy. In other words, it must become an Isle of Liberty.

The Republic of China's international marginalization cannot be improved by means of a "Plebiscite to Join the UN." It can only be improved by transforming Taiwan into an Isle of Liberty. If Taiwan can become part of the international stage, the "Taiwan problem" will naturally be internationalized. Taiwan's economy is drying up. One cannot improve it merely by relying on mainland tourists. But mainland tourists visiting Taiwan is a necessary part of the process of becoming an Isle of Liberty. An Isle of Liberty is not merely about allowing mainland tourists to enter, it is also about allowing international capital to enter.

Politicians who boast about their "Plebiscites to Join the UN" during the presidential election are not merely shameful, they are contemptible. They merely wish to exploit the voters' "Taiwanese Sense of Victimization." They do nothing to inspire the building of an Isle of Liberty. Politicians who hurl baseless McCarthyite accusations about a "pro-unification economy" or a "One China Market" during the presidential election are beneath contempt. In fact, as mentioned above, mainland China is already driving Taiwan businesses into the interior. Yet we cling to our own Closed Door Policy. What a joke.

Some say that the ROC's future status is "a Hong Kong that can elect a president." If we refrain from applying a negative spin to this analogy, it is actually quite enlightening. To say that ROC citizens can elect a president affirms the ROC's sovereignty and political credentials. Comparing the ROC to the HKSAR merely underscores the ROC's different international status. Taiwan's future must be as an Isle of Liberty. The issue is not whether, but when.

Otherwise, the ROC faces a crisis of national marginalization, and Taiwan's society faces a crisis of economic polarization. Do politicians actually believe that only the "Rectification of Names and the Authoring of a New Constitution" can save Taiwan?

國家邊緣化 社會M型化
【聯合報╱社論】
2008.02.18

馬英九及謝長廷正在競逐總統大選的「最後一席」，台灣亦正掙扎面對內耗空轉近二十年後，再圖振衰起敝、起死回生的「最後機會」。

總統大選已經矮化至「綠卡馬」及「抓耙子謝」的地步。這些議題不能說是全無意義，但畢竟一個是當年哈佛學者馬英九生涯規劃的斟酌，另一個則是當時初涉政壇的謝長廷左顧右盼的猶豫；這類人生插曲，容或有損馬謝的完整形象，但畢竟皆是二三十年前的陳年往事。如今，選民更在意的是：今天的馬英九如何，今天的謝長廷如何，以及他們要將台灣帶往何處？換句話說，馬謝何者能夠贏得這「最後一席」，應看他們誰能帶領台灣迎向這「最後的機會」。

台灣的危機尚未完全顯現，但如果今後仍照著二十年來這般內耗空轉下去，台灣將是絕無生理可言。約略言之，台灣有二大危機：一、國家邊緣化；二、社會Ｍ型化。馬謝不須再陷「綠卡馬」與「抓耙子謝」的泥巴仗中，而應告訴國人，他們將如何化解這二大危機？

先談國家邊緣化。就國際政治言，冷戰結束，中國「和平崛起」，台灣的戰略角色快速地「邊緣化」；就國際經濟言，則由於「全球化」及中國大陸的磁吸作用，台灣的核心產業二十年來皆呈現「出血外流」的走勢，再加上中國大陸如今已在沿海產經重鎮「騰籠換鳥」驅趕台商（趕向內陸及境外），台灣的經濟角色亦正加速「邊緣化」。上述這幅圖像顯示，台灣在國際政治及經濟上似皆已走上「邊緣化」的不歸路，國人要知道的是：馬謝二人的對策如何？

再談社會Ｍ型化。台灣的經濟成績單，如今主要是靠科學園區的一些尖端科技在充場面；政府以低稅負及特權優惠來支撐這些產業，肥了少數廠商，但對社會的財富分配並無顯著效益。這種「只餵上層廠商，不養基層社會」的出血經濟，外銷暢旺、內需不足，逐漸加重加深了「社會Ｍ型化」的危機。在Ｍ型社會中，上層強者可到國際爭食，但基層的相對弱者仍須就地覓食。於是，如何提升強者外出競爭的能力，如何改善弱者在地生養的機會，使Ｍ型社會的兩頭各有生機，避免Ｍ型社會變成偏榮偏枯，甚或兩頭落空，這才是馬謝二人應當面對的嚴峻挑戰。

「自由島」應是化解上述二大危機之唯一處方。且「自由島」所當強調的不是「走出去」的「自由」，而更是「走進來」的「自由」。因此，例如「三通」，也不只是為了「走出去」，更是要便利國際資源「走進來」。如此，台灣未來若要做為一個「國際平台」，這個平台即絕不可僅限於幾個「科學園區」而已，而是須將整個台灣變成一個「全台灣大平台」，也就是將台灣建設成「自由島」。

台灣國際地位的邊緣化，不可能靠「公投入聯」改善，而是要將台灣建設成「自由島」；台灣若能具備「國際平台」的機能，則「台灣問題」自然而然地就能「國際化」。同理，台灣的經濟枯旱，也絕不可能只賴「陸客觀光」來改善；但陸客來台卻是台灣實現政治鬆綁、邁向「自由島」的必然過程。「自由島」不只是要陸客「走進來」，更是要全面吸引國際資源「走進來」。

因此，政客在總統大選中夸談什麼「公投入聯」，實屬可恥，亦殊可恨。他們只是想消費選民的「台灣悲情」，卻不能鼓舞建設「自由島」的雄心壯志。亦因此，政客在總統大選亂扣「統派經濟」與「一中市場」的紅帽子，也是可恥可恨的卑劣伎倆。其實，如前所述，中國大陸已在「騰籠換鳥」驅趕台商，我們竟然還在這裡鎖國自誤，簡直已成笑話。

有人說，台灣的新藍圖是：做一個「能選總統的大香港」。如果不對這個比喻亂扣帽子，則這個概念頗有啟示作用。「能選總統」，就是台灣的主權體現及政治憑藉；「大香港」則是意象化了台灣作為「自由島」的國際角色。「自由島」應是台灣的新藍圖，問題卻在：是否已失時機，時不我予。

否則，當台灣面對「國家邊緣化，社會Ｍ型化」的嚴峻危機，政客難道認為，必須繼續正名制憲，才能救台灣？