Tuesday, November 23, 2010

A Shallow Yet Far-Reaching Election

A Shallow Yet Far-Reaching Election
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
November 23, 2010

In terms of campaign rhetoric, the Saturday vote is an extremely superficial election. In terms of real world impact however, it is an election which will have far-reaching consequences.

The 2008 presidential election ended the chaos of the Chen regime, which had generated a constant state of anxiety by unnecessarily provoking both internal and external problems. The Ma administration inherited a nation in political and economic ruin. After two years of stumbling about, the five cities election can be considered a report card on the new government. In 2008, the DPP did not just lose power. It also suffered a humiliating repudiation of its political agenda, and a catastrophic loss of moral legitimacy. But during the current election, it has apparently bottomed out and is making a recovery. It has gathered momentum and is staging a comeback. Most people consider the five cities election a precursor to the Big Event in 2012.

This is an election that will have a profound impact on the future. Ironically it may be the most superficial election since martial law was lifted over 20 years ago. Important elections in the past invariably involved issues of national identity, cross-Strait policy, strategies to cope with economic globalization, and "ethnic" (community group) relations. These issues were upsetting and made people feel helpless. But they undeniably relevant to our political and economic survival. By contrast, the current election may involve core issues affecting life on Taiwan. But these issues have been almost completely obscured during the current election. Before the election, Tsai Ing-wen put forth a "Platform for the Coming Decade." But it has since vanished without a trace. Su Tseng-chang meanwhile, sports a pink shirt. He squats in the mud on an overhead pedestrian bridge. He stands on the sidewalk next to a broken brick paver. He hugs babies and makes faces at them. He eagerly sprovides reporters with photo ops. Both Su and Tsai are candidates for the 2012 presidential election. But neither dares to participate in a political debate. Considering the fact that this is supposed to be a precursor to the 2012 presidential election, isn't their conduct a bit too superficial and hypocritical?

In fact, the DPP would like an in-depth debate over political and economic grand strategy. It surrounded and harassed Zhang Mingqing. It forced Chen Yunlin to remain inside his hotel room. It spun ECFA as "pandering to [Mainland] China, as "selling out Taiwan," and as an "insult to the nation." These are all core issues affecting the ROC. They are also issues the "Platform for the Coming Decade" ought to explain. But once campaign season began, the DPP willing only to say that "ECFA is a central government issue." These issues were buried and hidden. The DPP even reneged on its "Platform for the Coming Decade." Does the DPP really intend to bring this election down to the superficial level of broken brick pavers on overhead pedestrian bridges?

The jewel in the crown of Ma administration policy is cross-Strait relations. But the public is apparently unimpressed. In two short years, the Ma administration implemented direct flights, enabled Mainland tourists to visit Taiwan, signed ECFA and joint crime-fighting initatives. These are significant policies that amount to a radical improvement in long-term cross-Strait relations, and have provided an effective buffer against the impact of the financial crisis. The Jiang Ping issue, the Yang Shu-chun issue, and the Cheng Hung-yi "30,000NT subsidies for Mainland students" are superficial and untrue jibes. Yet they have obliterated the Ma administration's cross-Strait policy achievements in one fell swoop.

Attempting to to use "30,000NT subsidies for Mainland students" to negate cross-Strait policy is superficial. Attempting to use "20NT water spinach" to negate the Taipei Flora Expo is superficial. Yet these superficial arguments have flooded the media and filled people's heads. Eventually it was proven that ECFA would benefit our political and economic system. It was proven that vegetable growers who guaranteed live water spinach plants for six months had been mistreated. But superficial stereotypes had already taken shape. Superficial attitudes of hatred and victimization had already taken hold. Many voters have already decided that "30,000 NT subsidies for Mainland students" invalidate the Ma administration cross-Strait policy. They have already decided that the water spinach issue invalidates the Hau administration's achievements throughout Taipei. These are indeed superficial political ploys. The question is, will voters respond in an equally superficial manner?

As we all know, this election is a precursor to the 2012 presidential election. But within this election, national identity, cross-Strait policy, strategies to cope with economic globalization, and our political and economic prospects in the wake of ECFA, have been buried. They have vanished without a trace. Tsai Ing-wen retracted the DPP's "Platform for the Coming Decade." This alerted the public to its hidden agenda. Cheng Hung-yi's "F**k Your Mother!" fiasco reminded the public that the DPP's problems persist. Otherwise this atypical election would have reached a superficial and hasty end.

The Democratic Progressive Party is wearing a pink mask. Perhaps it hopes that by doing so it can "squeak by" during this election. But immediately afterwards it must confront the 2012 presidential election. The major issues can no longer be covered up. When the time comes, the DPP can no longer hope that these issues will be dealt with on such a shallow level.

這是一場內容膚淺但影響深遠的選舉
【聯合報╱社論】 2010.11.23

周六投票。就競選內容言,這是一場演出非常膚淺的選舉;但就選舉的結果言,這卻將是一場影響非常深遠的選舉。

從一方面說,二○○八年的總統大選,結束了扁政府鬧得雞犬不寧、惶惶不可終日的內憂外患;馬政府在政經廢墟中,經過兩年的跌撞磕碰、掙扎奮鬥,這次五都選舉可視為國人對新人新政的一次總評鑑。從另一方面說,民進黨在二○○八年非但輸掉政權,且在政策正確性及道德正當性上也一敗塗地;但在這次選舉中似乎谷底翻身,頗具東山再起的氣勢。國人對這次五都大選的共同解讀是:這是一場二○一二政權爭奪戰的前哨戰。

這當然是一次影響非常深遠的選舉。然而,這卻也可說是解嚴二十餘年來最為「膚淺」的一場選舉。在過去的重要選舉中,必然出現國家認同、兩岸政策、經濟全球化戰略及族群關係等議題;這雖使人不安與無奈,卻不可否認那才是真正攸關台灣命脈的政經問題。反觀此次選舉,雖然這類核心問題仍然真實存在於台灣的生命中樞,卻在選舉中幾乎完全被遮蓋或掩藏掉了。蔡英文原稱要在選前提出「十年政綱」,卻無影無蹤;蘇貞昌則穿著粉紅襯衫,蹲在天橋上一灘積泥、人行道上一塊破磚的旁邊,或抱起小孩扮鬼臉,供記者拍照。蘇蔡兩位二○一二大位的競逐者,連一場政見辯論也不敢面對;相較於這場具有二○一二政權爭奪戰之前哨戰的規格,這樣的選舉演出,難道不是太膚淺且太矯情?

其實,民進黨也不是不想深入國家政經大戰略。圍毆張銘清、將陳雲林鎖在酒店,把ECFA說成傾中賣台、喪權辱國等等,皆是深入了台灣的核心問題,也是「十年政綱」必須解釋的事情。然而,進入選季後,民進黨僅以一句「ECFA是中央職權」,就將這類議題完全遮蓋掩藏起來,連「十年政綱」也跳了票。難道民進黨真的將這場選舉看成天橋積泥與人行道破磚如此膚淺的層次?

馬政府的兩岸政策是招牌菜,卻似乎並未給社會留下深刻印象。兩年內,直航、陸客來台、ECFA、司法互助等等,如此重大而密集的政策表現,可謂徹底改善了兩岸長程關係,及有效緩衝了金融風暴的衝擊;卻被江平事件、楊淑君事件,及鄭弘儀「陸生三萬」事件等,只消三言兩語膚淺甚至謬誤已極的譏嘲,就儼然要將馬政府的兩岸政策一筆抹煞。

欲以「陸生三萬」來全盤否定當前兩岸政策的大結構,是「膚淺」的;同樣的,欲以「一株空心菜二十元」來全盤否定台北花博的總體表現,也是「膚淺」的。但是,這些膚淺的議論,卻塞滿媒體頻道,灌滿人民的腦袋;最後即使證明ECFA有益台灣政經體質,及保活六個月的空心菜反而虧待了菜農,但是「膚淺」的刻板印象已經形成,「膚淺」的仇恨與悲情更形鞏固;不少選民大概已經決定用「陸生三萬」去否定馬政府整個兩岸政策,用「空心菜」去否定整個郝市府的政績。這真是何其「膚淺」的政治操作,又是何其「膚淺」的選民反應?

眾所皆知,這是一場二○一二政權爭奪戰的前哨戰。但是,在這場選舉中,國家認同、兩岸政策、經濟全球化戰略及「後ECFA」情勢等國家政經大戰略,卻被遮蓋得無影無蹤;如果不是蔡英文收回了「十年政綱」,使人警覺其蓄意掩藏;如果不是鄭弘儀的「幹X娘」,使人覺得問題仍在,這場「非典型」的選舉,就將如此「膚淺」地草草收場。

戴著粉紅臉譜的民進黨,也許想藉著這次選舉「頭過身就過」;但是,接下來就要面對二○一二政權爭奪戰,今天被遮蓋掩藏的重大議題即皆無可躲藏,屆時也就欲求膚淺而不可能了!

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