Thursday, August 16, 2012

The Imperial Rescript on Surrender Echoes in Our Ears, August 18th Rolls Around Every Year

The Imperial Rescript on Surrender Echoes in Our Ears, August 18th Rolls Around Every Year
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 17, 2012


Summary: Recently Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement activists based in Hong Kong boarded the Kai Feng II. They successfully landed on the Diaoyutai Islands on August 15 at 4 pm. This action was of critical significance. It ensured that the sovereignty of the Diaoyutai Islands would remain contested. Japan's ruling and opposition parties have incited populist sentiment in an effort to assert sovereignty over the islands. This action ensures that their efforts will not succeed.

Full Text below:

Recently Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement activists based in Hong Kong boarded the Kai Feng II. They successfully landed on the Diaoyutai Islands on August 15 at 4 pm. This action was of critical significance. It ensured that the sovereignty of the Diaoyutai Islands would remain contested. Japan's ruling and opposition parties have incited populist sentiment in an effort to assert sovereignty over the islands. This action ensures that their efforts will not succeed.

This is the first successful landing on the Diaoyutai Islands since 2004. This landing has six symbolic and substantive implications.

One. The August 15th landing was made on the 67th anniversary of Japan's defeat in WWII. Two. This particular landing was directed primarily by private sector groups from Hong Kong. Three. The flags of the Republic of China and the People's Republic of China were simultaneously carried onto the Diaoyutai Islands. Four. This represents the greatest consensus the Blue and Green camps on Taiwan have ever achieved regarding the defense of the Diaoyutai Islands. Five. Japan "allowed" the Kai Feng II crew to land on the islands. It was assumed that Japan would dispatch Self-Defense Forces to stop them. But Japan held back and refrained from doing so. Six. This particular Diaoyutai Islands incident took place not long after Russian Prime Minister Dimitry Medvedev set foot on Kunashir Island and South Korean President Lee Myung-bak set foot on Dokdo, and Japan found itself beseiged on all sides.

First consider the actions of the Hong Kong Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement. Taipei and Beijing both prevented local citizens from taking part in the landing. Their shared attitude was that "creating disturbances and defending a nation's territorial integrity and sovereignty are two different things." But private groups from Hong Kong gave provided both the Mainland and Taiwan with leverage. Beijing sternly warned Japan not to endanger the lives and property of the Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement activists. Taipei supplied the Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement boat with humanitarian supplies. As a result, the private sector Hong Kong group acted as a spokesman for the ruling and opposition parties on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. Taipei and Beijing used "protecting the lives and property of the Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement activists" as a pretext to reaffirm sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands.

The Kai Feng II carried both the red, white, and blue flag of the ROC and the five-star flag of the PRC onto the Diaoyutai Islands. The two sides' flags landed on the Diaoyutai Islands simultaneously. This offered the public a startling image. The Diaoyutai Islands territorial dispute is certain to bring the two sides closer together, both psychologically and substantively. The United States and Japan are not happy to see this. The Ma administration tried to distance itself from the action. Taiwan independence elements were especially opposed to the joint affirmation of sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands. Nevertheless the Hong Kong Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement carried the two sides' flags onto the island. This shows that Taiwan and the Mainland remain inextricably linked by the Diaoyutai Islands issue. This shows that in certain contexts, such as in Hong Kong, the ROC and PRC flags can coexist, side by side, in the hearts of the Chinese people. That is why during certain domestic Hong Kong political demonstrations, one often sees the red, white, and blue ROC flag. The two flags simultaneously landing on the Diaoyutai Islands made for a startling image. It reflected the feelings of the Chinese people on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. These feelings are not confined to the Diaoyutai Islands dispute.

This is the greatest consensus the Blue and Green camps on Taiwan have ever achieved regarding the defense of the Diaoyutai Islands. In reference to the Diaoyutai Islands issue, the Ma administration said "we cannot yield even an inch of territory." This is a matter of course. Lee Teng-hui and his ilk have frequently asserted that "The Diaoyutai Islands belong to Japan." This time they were silent. DPP Ilan County Magistrate Lin Kung-hsien said, "Since time immemorial the Diaoyutai Islands have been Chinese territory." He did not say that, "Since time immemorial, the Diaoyutai Islands have been the territory of the Nation of Taiwan." He personally boarded a boat and took to the sea to issue a "declaration of sovereignty." DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang loudly proclaimed that, "The Diaoyutai Islands belong to us, we will never give them up." Several days earlier he mocked the Ma administration for "using government ships to protect the five-star flag." In effect, Su Tseng-chang implied that the DPP supported the use of government ships to escort the ROC national flag to the Diaoyutai Islands. Political leaders on Taiwan have expressed sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands in one of two ways. They have either said that the islands belong to the "Nation of Taiwan," or that they belong to the Republic of China. The current Diaoyutai Islands incident has clearly led to a tectonic shift in Taiwan's political plates.

The Kai Feng II crew encountered little resistance to its landing. Past attempts often resulted in ship collisions and physical injuries. This time the Japanese were clearly pulling their punches. If Japan wants to prevent people from landing on the island, it must precipitate ship collisions and cause physical injuries. If Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement activists want to land on the islands, their boats must be damaged and their people must be injuried. This time the Japanese allowed the landing, then arrested the activists. The Japanese clearly felt compelled to exercise political restraint. Beijing repeatedly issued advance warnings. If the Japanese dispatched Self-Defense Forces, i.e., troops, it would inevitably lead to "warship vs. warship" confrontations. As a result the Japanese heeded this "sound advice." The Japanese Coast Guard handled the matter in a low-keyed manner. This was a case of not pushing one's luck.

As this newspaper's editorial on the 14th pointed out, Japan is simultaneously in conflict with three of its neighbors. On July 3, Dimitry Medvedev set foot on Kunashir Island. On August 10, Lee Myung-bak set foot on Dokdo. On August 15, Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement activists set foot on the Diaoyutai Islands. Russia, South Korea, and China have all suffered grievously at the hands of Japan. During the Russo-Japanese War, Russia and Japan clashed over interests in China. Korea suffered under Japanese colonialism. China, in particular, has deep and long lasting grievances. The disputes over the sovereignty of these three islands represent a long history of grievances. This is why the parties involved must proceed cautiously. In particular, Japan should "know when to hold, and know when to fold." It should not allow itself to be beseiged on all sides and become the object of universal scorn.

The day the Kai Feng II landed on the Diaoyutai Islands was the 67th anniversary of Japan's defeat in WWII. At 12:00 on August 15th, 1945, Japanese Emperor Hirohito read out loud his Imperial Rescript on Surrender. He offered his unconditional surrender and ended the war. He said, "it being far from Our thought either to infringe upon the sovereignty of other nations or to embark upon territorial aggrandisement." He said, "Beware most strictly of any outbursts of emotion which may endanger needless complications, or any fraternal contention and strife which may create confusion, lead ye astray and cause ye to lose the confidence of the world." This was 67 years ago. Japan was in the grip of Japanese militarism. Ironically, this remains the state of populist politics in Japan 67 years later.

Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda spoke at the August 18th service commemorating the end of WWII. He said, "Japan will adhere to its oath not to wage war. It will continue to pursue world peace " But if Japan wants to assert sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands and continue its occupation, how can it do so without waging war? Noda spoke of his opposition to war. But the world is not just listening to what he says. It is also watching what he does.

The Diaoyutai Islands dispute has no short term solution. For the time being, one can only maintain the status quo, under which its sovereignty remains contested. One can only await a future solution. Mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao have already exercised a high degree of restraint. They have already made many concessions. Japan must not be insatiable. It must not leave Mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and Macao no alternative. Japan's extreme right-wingers, such as Shintaro Ishihara, may want the Diaoyutai Islands to become part of the Yasukuni Shrine. But the Japanese government as a whole must not allow itself to be led around by the nose. Emperor Hirohito's Imperial Rescript on Surrender still echoes in our ears. August 15th still rolls around once each year.

天皇玉音繞樑未去,年年都有八月十五日
【聯合報╱社論】
2012.08.17 02:24 am

香港保釣船「啟豐二號」船員,於八月十五日下午四時許,成功登上釣魚台列嶼;此一關鍵性的行動,使釣魚台問題得以再次穩固維持其「爭議的現狀」,亦即使日本朝野這一波炒作釣島主權的民粹動作不能得逞。

這是二○○四年以後,保釣人士首次登島成功,可以歸納出具有象徵或實質意義的六大特色:

一、當天八月十五日為日本戰敗六十七周年紀念日;二、此次登島行動以香港的民間團隊為主體;三、中華民國國旗與中華人民共和國國旗同時登上釣魚台;四、這也是台灣內部藍綠陣營立場最一致的一次保釣事件;五、日本方面「縱放」啟豐二號人員登島,且未如原傳將出動自衛隊,已見克制;六、這次保釣事件的國際大背景是,俄國總理麥維德夫登國後島,及韓國總統李明博登獨島,日本實陷四面楚歌之境。

先談香港保釣人士主導此次行動。此次保釣行動,台北及北京雙方皆阻禁其本土人民參與,共同的態度是「製造事端和堅持領土主權是兩回事」;但是,香港民間團隊在大陸與台灣之間覓得了槓桿角色,北京方面厲聲警告日本不得危害保釣人士生命財產,台北則為保釣船提供人道補給。如此一來,形同香港民間代表兩岸朝野表達了立場,而台北及北京則藉「維護保釣人士生命財產」來操作釣島的主權爭議。

啟豐二號將青天白日滿地紅旗及五星旗攜上釣島,「兩面國旗/同登釣島」,這是一個震撼的畫面。面對釣魚台領土爭議,必定會使兩岸出現心理及實際的聯結;只是美、日不願見此,馬政府也在口頭上作出切割,獨派尤其反對兩岸主權概念因釣島而趨近。但是,香港保釣人士攜著「兩面國旗」登島,這不僅表示兩岸皆不可能從釣島問題相互脫勾,更顯示在「中國的」某一領域中,如香港,「兩面國旗」在人民心中是可以共存並立的,因而在香港的內政遊行中亦常見青天白日滿地紅旗。「兩面國旗/同登釣島」的震撼場景,其實反映了比釣魚台更高更大的兩岸思維與民間情懷。

這也是台灣內部藍綠立場最一致的一次保釣事件。馬政府說,釣島領土「一寸也不能讓」,這是理所當然。此時,李登輝之流所謂「釣魚台是日本的」之言論已不復聞,而民進黨籍的宜蘭縣長林聰賢則說,「自古釣魚台就是中國的領土」,卻未說「自古釣魚台就是台灣國的領土」,並親自乘船出海「宣示主權」。民進黨主席蘇貞昌更大聲說出,「釣魚台是我們的,我們從不放棄」,並譏諷馬政府於日前「用公務船去保護一支五星旗」;蘇貞昌的意思好像是在說,民進黨會支持用公務船去保護在釣島出現的青天白日滿地紅國旗。其實,釣魚台的主權立場,一直是「台灣國」與「中華民國」的重大分野;而此次釣島事件顯然已牽動了台灣內部的政治板塊移動。

尤其令人玩味的是,啟豐二號人員居然能夠「順利」登島;相較於過去屢見撞船傷人的慘烈場景,顯然這次日方是在操作技術性的「放水」。事實是,如果日方堅決不容登島,必須撞船傷人;而保釣人士必欲登島,就一定要付出船毀人傷的代價。但日本縱放登島後再予逮捕,其間的政治克制已是有目共睹。尤其,北京事前一再警告,若日方動用自衛隊(軍隊),必將引發「以艦對艦」的後果;因而,日本也「從善如流」,仍以海上保安廳「柔性」處置,這也是「適可而止」。

如本報十四日社論指出,日本此時,密集面對七月三日麥維德夫登國後島,八月十日李明博登獨島,及八月十五日香港保釣人士登釣島;而俄、韓、中三國皆在歷史上吃過日本的大苦頭,日俄是在爭奪中國權益,韓國則受盡殖民污辱,中國尤是血海深仇。因此,如今這三個島嶼主權的爭議,其實皆牽著一條苦大仇深的歷史臍帶;這是相關各方皆須謹慎處理的理由,尤其日本要知所進退,勿在四面楚歌中成為眾矢之的。

尤其,啟豐二號登上釣島之日,正是日本戰敗六十七周年紀念日。一九四五年,八月十五日中午十二時,日本裕仁天皇以「玉音放送」宣讀無條件投降的「終戰詔書」,略謂:「毀別國之宗社,奪他國之領土,悉非朕之本意。」又稱:「若夫為情所激、妄滋事端,或同胞相煎、擾亂時局,因而迷誤於大道、失信義於天下,此朕所深戒。」這是六十七年前的軍國主義日本,但豈不也是六十七年後的民粹政治日本?

野田佳彥首相在八一五終戰紀念追悼會上說,「日本將堅守不發動戰爭的誓言,不斷追求實現世界和平」;但是,關於釣島主權,日本若不面對戰爭,豈有可能據為己有?對於野田的非戰論,世人皆在聽其言,觀其行。

釣魚台問題暫無終極解決之方,目前能做的是繼續維持其「爭議的現狀」,徐圖未來。其實,這對中台港澳而言,已是高度的克制與退讓;日本不可得寸進尺,逼使中台港澳無可選擇。日本極右派如石原慎太郎,或許想為釣魚台入祀靖國神社,但整個日本朝野不可受其玩弄。天皇玉音繞樑未去,年年都有八月十五日。

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