Frank Hsieh vs. Chen Shui-bian

Frank Hsieh vs. Chen Shui-bian
United Daily News editorial
translated by Bevin Chu
May 29, 2007

Lin Chung-sheng, a member of the Democratic Progressive Party's (DPP) "Green Six Group," said that "The DPP's victories in last year's Taipei and Kaohsiung Mayoral Elections were an unfortunate beginning."

This is precisely what this newspaper said in a "Black and White Collection" editorial. Chen Chu, the candidate endorsed by the reformist oriented New Tide Faction in the DPP, narrowly won by 1,114 votes. After the election, Chen Shui-bian successfully spun this as a victory for Taiwan independence, a victory for Chen Shui-bian, a victory for corruption, and a victory for counter-reformation. Chen Shui-bian then intervened in the presidential primary race, dragging Su Tseng-chang down and discrediting the New Tide Faction. Dummy voters and the "Exclude Blue" opinion poll led to a case of Gresham's Law, of bad money driving out the good, of Wang Shih-chien driving out Hsiao Bi-khim, and Lin Chin-hsing driving out Lee Kuen-tse. The DPP's victories in last year's Taipei and Kaohsiung Mayoral Elections truly were an unfortunate beginning.

But were the Taipei and Kaohsiung Mayoral Elections really a victory for counter-reformation? Following the election, Chen Shui-bian and Yu Hsi-kuen monopolized spin control over the election, pandering to Deep Green perspectives, deliberately distorting the meaning of the Taipei and Kaohsiung Mayoral Elections. Calmly reviewing last year's Taipei and Kaohsiung Mayoral Elections, the calls for reform were no less forceful than the calls for counter-reformation.

The underlying themes of the Taipei and Kaohsiung Mayoral Elections were not the same. In Taipei, Frank Hsieh maintained his distance from Chen Shui-bian, preventing Chen from grabbing the media spotlight, eventually winning 40% of the vote, during which the winds of "revolution" began to blow. In the Kaohsiung mayoral race, even though Chen Chu eventually played the "president card," her reformist image, which she shared with Lin Yi-hsiung, was an important factor in her win. Therefore if the Taipei and Kaohsiung Mayoral Elections are spun as "pro independence / pro Chen / pro corruption," and as a victory for "counter-reformation," that will disappoint the many Pan Green voters who, with tears in their eyes, reluctantly cast their votes for DPP candidates.

The Taipei and Kaohsiung Mayoral Election victories undoubtedly received Deep Green support. But they must be also be regarded as an attempt by some Green voters to buy time for the DPP, in the hope that it would reform itself. But those election victories have been spun by Chen Shui-bian and Yu Hsi-kuen as a victory for "counter-reform." They have even been cited as the pretext for a wholesale purge of reformist elements within the party. Is this really the correct meaning of the Taipei and Kaohsiung Mayoral Election victories? Is this the DPP's unfortunate beginning?

The critical question is whether Frank Hsieh, in his upcoming bid for president, going to adopt the "Kaohsiung Model" by playing the president card, or is he going to adopt the "Taipei Model," and refuse to allow Chen Shui-bian to grab the spotlight?

If he chooses the "Kaohsiung Model" and plays the president card, then even if his victory is not primarily the result of Chen Shui-bian's endorsement, Frank Hsieh will probably be unable to oppose and prevent Chen Shui-bian from becoming the power behind the throne after Hsieh assumes office. Besides, playing the president card in today's circumstances could turn out to be a liability rather than an asset. if, on the other hand, Hsieh chooses the "Taipei Model," and keeps Chen at a respectful distance, will he be able to hold out? Will Chen Shui-bian allow him to do so?

For the past half year, the DPP has viewed the Taipei and Kaohsiung Mayoral Elections as a great victory for "counter-reform" or "pro independence / pro Chen / pro corruption," and based on such an interpretation, engaged in all sorts of partisan political maneuvers. But based on developments since, the DPP should treat Frank Hsieh's victory in the presidential primary as its underlying theme, and adjust its policy accordingly. The political significance of Frank Hsieh's presidential primary victory is even clearer than the political significance of the Taipei and Kaohsiung Mayoral Election victories, revealing as it does a considerable degree of anti-Chen, pro reformation, and "Reconciliation and Coexistence" sentiment.

Chen, Yu, and others who have monopolized spin-control over the Taipei and Kaohsiung Mayoral Election victories are about to clash with Frank Hsieh, who received a new mandate in the presidential primary race. Chen Shui-bian's rampant corruption has caused the DPP and the entire island immense pain. Yu Hsi-kuen's political path and political style were repudiated during the presidential primary. Yet Chen and Yu have usurped the right to spin the Taipei and Kaohsiung Mayoral Election victories to suit themselves, denying Frank Hsieh the right to explain his presidential primary race victory in his own terms.

This is an internal struggle over "Transitional Justice within the DPP." It is also a struggle between Chen Shui-bian and Frank Hsieh over the right to control the spin of political developments as they see fit. Chang Chun-hsiung has already declared that he will fight for Chen Shui-bian's right to control the party's spin. If Frank Hsieh allows Chen Shui-bian to control the spin over the presidential primary race and the presidential election, then even if Frank Hsieh is elected president in 2008, it will still be another unfortunate beginning.

Frank Hsieh is like a traveler walking through the forest, who suddenly finds himself strangled from behind by a monkey. Curious onlookers will of course be more concerned about the monkey than the traveler. The traveler however knows that unless he can free himself from the monkey's clutches, he will soon suffocate. The traveler also knows that if he yanks the monkey from his face, his face will be be scratched beyond recognition by the monkey's fingernails. Gentle reader, do you know who the monkey is?

Original Chinese below:

謝長廷VS.陳水扁：森林、旅人與猴子
【聯合報╱社論】
2007.05.29 03:53 am

民進黨「綠六組」組員林琮盛說：「去年北高市長民進黨的勝利，是不幸的開始。」

這正是本報《黑白集》說過的話。民進黨內的改革派新潮流推舉陳菊選上了高雄市長，險勝一一一四票；選後，這場勝利被陳水扁奪占了「詮釋權」，視為挺獨挺扁挺貪的勝利，亦即視為「反改革」的勝利。接下來的情勢演變是：陳水扁介入總統初選，蘇貞昌被拖垮，新潮流被鬥臭；人頭黨員及排藍民調，更掀起「王世堅打敗蕭美琴」、「林進興打敗李昆澤」的劣幣逐良幣風潮。北高選舉的「勝利」，確實是民進黨不幸的開始。

然而，北高選舉真的是一場「反改革」的勝利嗎？選後，陳水扁及游錫?奪占了「詮釋權」，挾深綠以自重，刻意扭曲變造了北高選舉的意義；如今平心靜氣回顧去年的北高選舉，其實「改革」的呼聲未必低於「反改革」的力量。

當時，北高選舉的基調頗不相同。在台北市，謝長廷與陳水扁保持距離，拒絕「許純美效應」，結果開出了百分之四十的得票率，其間當然有「改革」的訊息；至於高雄市長選舉，最後雖打出了「總統牌」，但陳菊本身的「改革」形象，與林義雄一貫的「改革」號召，應當也是高雄勝利的重要因素。因而若將北高選舉片面解釋為「挺獨／挺扁／挺貪」，將之視為「反改革」的勝利，恐怕就要辜負了不少綠色選民含淚投票的苦心！

北高選舉的勝利，固然得自深綠的支持，但相當程度地也應當視為有些綠色選民在為民進黨爭取改革的時空。可是，如今那場選舉的勝利，卻被陳水扁、游錫?等「反改革派」一古腦兒「全碗捧去」；並風捲殘雲般地對改革派進行大清黨大整肅的動作。這是不是北高選舉的正確詮釋？這是不是民進黨不幸的開始？

接下來更嚴重的問題是：謝長廷競選總統，將要採取「高雄模式」（打「總統牌」），或「台北模式」（拒絕「許純美效應」）？

若採「高雄模式」，打「總統牌」，即使未來勝選並非主要緣於阿扁助選所致，謝長廷恐怕也無法抗阻陳水扁在選後可能變成「太上總統」；何況，在現今情勢下打「總統牌」，對謝長廷的選情也許反而成了包袱。反過來說，若採「台北模式」，對「許純美」敬而遠之，謝長廷辦得到嗎？陳水扁又會善罷甘休嗎？

這半年來，民進黨確實是將北高選舉視作「反改革」、「挺獨挺扁挺貪」的大勝利，並在此種「詮釋」下，進行各種黨政的操作。但是，情勢演化至今日，民進黨其實應以「謝長廷在總統初選的勝利」為詮釋政局的基調，並在這個基調上進行黨政的操作。眾所共見，「謝長廷贏得總統初選的勝利」，其所反映的政治意義，顯較「北高選舉的勝利」明朗得多，甚至透露出相當程度的「反扁」、「維新」及「和解共生」的政治期待。

於是，挾持了「北高選舉勝利」詮釋權的扁游等人，勢將與在總統初選獲得了新令狀的謝長廷發生衝撞。陳水扁的貪腐無狀，使民進黨及整個國家遭受極大創痛，游錫?的路線與風格亦在總統初選中被否決；但扁游二人卻仍強占「北高選舉勝利」的詮釋權，不容謝長廷對其「總統初選的勝利」作出自由的詮釋。這是一個多麼荒謬絕倫的場景！

這是「民進黨內轉型正義」的鬥爭，更是陳水扁與謝長廷「詮釋權」的鬥爭。君不聞，張俊雄已宣稱將為陳水扁的「詮釋權」而戰；謝長廷若再被陳水扁強奪了總統初選及總統大選的「詮釋權」，則即使謝長廷當選總統，亦將是另一場不幸的開始。

現在的謝長廷，猶如走入森林的旅人，突然被一隻猴子從背後掐住了脖子；眾人的目光必然對那隻猴子較對那名旅人更好奇。旅人若不甩掉猴子，將被勒得窒息；若想甩掉猴子，又必被猴爪抓得面目全非。讀者先生小姐們，您知道那隻猴子是誰嗎？