The Democratic Progressive Party: Five Days for Its Future

The Democratic Progressive Party: Five Days for Its Future
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
November 4, 2008

Chen Yunlin's five-day visit may have a critical impact on the long term future of the Democratic Progressive Party. The DPP has mobilized all sorts of protests intended to harass Chen Yunlin or disrupt the Chiang/Chen Meeting. In fact, such activities are more likely to inflict serious injury upon the Democratic Progressive Party itself.

Chen Yunlin's visit became a source of contention within the Democratic Progressive Party some time ago. Wang Ting-yu assaulted Zhang Mingqiing and became a Taiwan independence "hero." Chen Shui-bian was welcomed at Jingfu Men on October 25 by cheering masses. They have become the biggest beneficiaries of Chen Yunlin's visit. The resulting leadership crisis has forced Tsai Ing-wen to walk a tightrope. If during Chen Yunlin's five-day visit, the Democratic Progressive Party's protests fail to transcend its "Nation of Taiwan" agenda, if party leaders perpetrate even more unseemly acts, it is unlikely to win the approval of mainstream society. It may even hurt the DPP's long term future.

Cross-Strait relations is one of the most important factors affecting Taiwan's fate. Chen Yunlin's visit to Taiwan is the key to the timing and tone of the DPP's current cross-Strait policy. The Democratic Progressive Party continues to demand a "Nation of Taiwan" and has returned to its old habits of verbal threats and physical violence. The public on Taiwan must be wondering how the DPP can possibly maintain peaceful and stable cross-Strait relations if it ever returns to office? Conversely, if the Democratic Progressive Party still advocates a "Nation of Taiwan" and mob violence, how could mainstream society on Taiwan possibly support its return to power? If the Democratic Progressive Party does not approach cross-Strait relations rationally, and assumes power again one day, won't that be the day the two sides come to blows? Will the public be comfortable with Taiwan falling into the hands of the DPP, once again?

Loss of political power has not induced the DPP to modify its path of Taiwan independence and physical violence. Just the opposite. In recent months, as a result of Chen Yunlin's visit, Taiwan independence forces within the Democratic Progressive Party have acquired unprecedented strength. Their violent proclivities are reflected in the applause Wang Ting-yu has received. The Democratic Progressive Party was not this decadent 20 years ago, during the 12 years before it assumed power. During the first five years of Chen Shui-bian and Democratic Progressive Party rule, it exercised comparative self-restraint. For example, it advocated a "New Centrist Path" and "Five Noes." Until the last three years, when corruption ran rampant, the party still made an occasional effort to redeem itself. But now that Chen Yunlin has come to visit, the Democratic Progressive Party has been hijacked by the likes of Chen Shui-bian, Wang Ting-yu, and the most violent elements within the Taiwan independence movement. Tsai Ing-wen is afraid to disown Chen Shui-bian, and unable to control him. She has allowed herself to be swept along by the mob. The Democratic Progressive Party's cross-Strait policy has been set by Wang Ting-yu, Chen Shui-bian, and their ilk, not by Tsai Ing-wen.

Their cross-Strait policy amounts to a DPP declaration of war against Mainland China. It amounts to the DPP thumbing its nose at the United States and the international community. It amounts to the DPP defying mainstream opinion on Taiwan. After the dust settles, will the Democratic Progressive Party have enjoyed a five-day lark, at the expense of their reason and their long term future?

A surfeit of emotion, a deficit of reason. That is today's Democratic Progressive Party. The Democratic Progressive Party must of course express an opinion about Chen Yunlin's visit. On the one hand, it is its right. It is an opposition party. It reflects public opinion. Amidst bilateral negotiations, no one can deny the utilty of a "Good Cop/Bad Cop" strategy. But the current Chiang/Chen Meeting addresses administrative matters. The Democratic Progressive Party has said nothing about the four major issues. Meanwhile, regarding the political implications of the Chiang/Chen Meeting, the SEF and ARATS have operated by the same rules for nearly 20 years. During the Democratic Progressive Party's eight years in office, it operated by these same rules. Regarding the contaminated powdered milk incident, the public on Taiwan demanded an apology, and ARATS has apologized. The Democratic Progressive Party has yet to change the wording on its protest banners, which continue to demand an apology. What impression has the DPP left the public on Taiwan and the international community during the two months leading up to Chen Yunlin's visit? Chen Shui-bian being cheered in front of Jingfu Men? Wang Ting-yu and his mob assaulting a defenseless Zhang Mingqing? Shrill demands to "Arrest the Communist Bandits?" Streets filled with "Nation of Taiwan" banners?

DPP needs to realize that the public on Taiwan has different views regarding Chen Yunlin's visit to Taiwan. The American, Japanese, and European Chambers of Commerce approve of the Chiang/Chen Meeting. The seven major industrial and commercial organizations have looked forward to the Chiang/Chen Meeting. Even friends of Chen Yunlin from Chiayi County, who happened to run into Chen in Fujian, wanted him to share a bowl of chicken flavored rice with them. In short, it is unlikely that a majority of the public on Taiwan approves of a cross-Strait policy that demands a "Nation of Taiwan." It is unlikely that a majority of the public on Taiwan approves of uncivilized assaults against mainland guests. While Democratic Progressive Party leaders fought over the chance to humiliate visitors, it forgot that the international community was watching, and judging. It forgot that the public on Taiwan was also watching, and judging.

Indulging one's passions for five days is so tempting, so easy. But like a bubble, it quickly fades. The Democratic Progressive Party's long term future still requires the voice of reason.

民進黨的這五天與大未來
【聯合報╱社論】
2008.11.04 03:18 am

陳雲林到訪這五天，對民進黨的大未來，可能發生關鍵性的影響。從表面上看，民進黨的種種抗議動員，皆是想對陳雲林本人或「江陳會」造成干擾，但在實質上卻更可能反而形成民進黨的嚴重自殘自傷。

我 們曾經指出，陳雲林到訪早已成為民進黨的內鬥題材。王定宇因撂倒張銘清成為台獨英雄，及一○二五陳水扁在景福門接受群眾歡呼，已成為陳雲林來訪的最大受益 者；蔡英文則不得不為其領導危機尋求走鋼索的平衡。倘若陳雲林到訪這五天，民進黨抗議的訴求不能跳出「台灣國」的挾持，甚至演出難以入目的不理性場景，就 恐怕未必能贏得台灣主流社會的掌聲，甚至可能傷害了民進黨的大未來。

兩岸關係無論如何皆是攸關台灣吉凶福禍的重中之重；陳雲林來台，則是 民進黨對其兩岸政策定調及定性的關鍵時機。台灣人民將會思考：持「台灣國」訴求的民進黨若再度執政，或持語文及肢體暴力路線的民進黨若再度執政，將如何維 繫一個「和平穩定」的兩岸關係？反過來說，民進黨若仍持「台灣國」及暴力路線，又如何能獲得台灣主流社會的支持而重新執政？民進黨如此不理智地處理兩岸關 係，則民進黨再執政之日，豈非可能成了兩岸全面撕裂之日？然則，難道國人會同意或放心將台灣再交回民進黨的手中？

如今必須正視的是：現在 的民進黨非但未因失去政權而稍加調整其台獨及暴力路線；卻是反其道而行，近幾個月來，在陳雲林到訪的題材下，民進黨內的台獨勢力已經佔據空前的強勢，而其 暴力內涵則充分表現在王定宇所獲的喝采聲中。過去二十年，即使在民進黨未執政的前十二年中，民進黨的體質與氣質並未惡化至此；而在民進黨執政的後八年中， 陳水扁及民進黨至少在前五年多亦多所節制，例如「新中間路線」及「四不一沒有」；甚至到了貪案頻爆的最後三年，黨內亦仍時有思謀挽救的努力。但是，就在此 刻陳雲林來訪之時，卻是民進黨被陳水扁、王定宇之類台獨及暴力分子挾持的最顛峰時段。蔡英文對此不敢切割，又無力節制，只是隨波逐流；如今為民進黨兩岸政 策定調及定性者，是陳水扁及王定宇之輩，而絕不是蔡英文。

這種兩岸政策的定調或定性，倘若就是民進黨向中國下的戰檄，就是民進黨對美國等國際主流架構的表態，以及就是民進黨向台灣主流社會的挑戰；則事情過後，民進黨會不會徒留這充滿情緒的短暫五天，而失去了必須以理智為憑的大未來？

充 滿情緒，理智失焦，這正是今天的民進黨。民進黨在陳雲林來訪時當然必須發聲，這一方面是民權，一方面是在野黨的角色，另一方面無疑也反映民意；因為，在兩 岸交涉之際，任何人皆可看出「黑臉白臉」的互補效益。但是，就此次「江陳會」的事務性議題言，民進黨未曾對四大議題說出半個「不」字；另就「江陳會」的政 治定位而言，海基會海協會的交涉是已近二十年的規制，民進黨執政八年亦仍維持並運作；甚至連毒奶粉事件，台灣民間要求道歉而海協會已經道歉，民進黨則連要 求道歉的抗議標語都還來不及調換。那麼，這兩個多月來因陳雲林到訪，民進黨將在國人及國際留下的印象難道只是：陳水扁在景福門前接受歡呼，王定宇圍毆落單 的張銘清，盈耳「抓共匪」的口號，及湧現街頭的「台灣國」旗幟？

民進黨必須認清，台灣社會對陳雲林來訪，畢竟仍有與民進黨不同的評價。 美、日、歐商會支持江陳會，七大工商團體期待江陳會，甚至曾與陳雲林在福建土樓巧遇的嘉義鄉親，也盼望陳雲林去吃一碗雞肉飯；亦即，恐非多數的台灣人會同 意以「台灣國」為兩岸政策，亦恐非多數的台灣人會贊同用不文明的暴力及羞辱手法來對待大陸來賓。民進黨內部在搶佔羞辱來客的政治舞台時，別忘了國際社會對 民進黨的論定，也別忘了台灣主流社會對民進黨的評價。

五天的放縱激情，何其容易，卻會像啵一聲泡沫般快速消逝；但民進黨的大未來，仍須以理智為憑。