If the Mountain Won't Come to Ma, Ma Must Go to the Mountain

If the Mountain Won't Come to Ma, Ma Must Go to the Mountain
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
February 19, 2009

This weekend the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) and the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU) will hold a "People's Conference on National Affairs." DPP Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen extended an invitation to President Ma Ying-jeou, and helpfully added, "If President Ma doesn't attend, then he is refusing to listen to the voice of the people." "If the Ma administration refuses to listen to the voice of the people, then it will be difficult to prevent the people from taking to the streets."

Chairman Tsai's declaration was a tad domineering in its tone. It even carried a veiled threat. Whether the conference will even achieve its expected goals remains in doubt. Nevertheless since the DPP has already offered him an invitation, President Ma may as well accept, demonstrating the magnanimity of a national leader.

Nineteen years ago, Lee Teng-hui responsed to public calls for reform. He wanted to use public opinion against conservative forces within the KMT. That led him to hold the first of such conferences. At the time, the DPP underwent heated internal debates on whether to participate. Huang Hsin-chieh and other moderates agreed to take part. Chiou I-jen and others who believed in working outside the system vehemently refused.

The ruling and opposition party members taking part in the Conference on National Affairs that year had different long term goals. But because they shared a common premise, they transformed the conference into an engine for democratic reform. They facilitated the direct election of the president and other major constitutional reforms.

Although his successor President Chen Shui-bian never convened a Conference on National Affairs, during his term of office he sponsored two National Finance Conferences, with the intention of imitating Lee Teng-hui. Responding to calls for him to rescue the economy, he invited ruling and opposition party leaders. But Chen Shui-bian betrayed the people's expectations. Neither National Finance Conference yielded any results. Cross-strait direct links and other major resolutions were shelved for eight years. They were realized only after the Ma Ying-jeou administration took over. The Second Financial Reform Program was a giant mess, left behind by the Chen administration.

Two former presidents held large scale Conferences on National Affairs. Evaluations of their worth have varied since they were first held. People differ on whether such political rituals as Conferences on National Affairs have any practical function. But the Republic of China now finds itself in a social and economic bind seldom seen in a hundred years. The public wants the ruling and opposition parties to work together, more urgently than ever. We recommend that President Ma attend the Conference on National Affairs, for the following five reasons.

One. The so-called People's Conference on National Affairs, is something ruling KMT leaders should have organized. They should have reached out to opposition parties. But since the DPP has already taken the initiative to hold such a conference, and to extend an open invitation to President Ma Ying-jeou, he might as well take advantage of it and attend. The conference would then be upgraded and integrated into the nation's political institutions. He would avoid giving offense and becoming a laughing stock. By listening to the people he would also display the magnanimity appropriate for a head of state.

Two. When Lee Teng-hui convened his Conference on National Affairs he needed outside assistance. He need people such as the DPP's Tsai Ing-wen, who wants to effect reforms. Lee Teng-hui was not afraid the Democratic Progressive Party would gain political status as a result of the Conference on National Affairs. Ma Ying-jeou has the support of a supermajority in the legislature. He need not worry that attending an event organized by Tsai Ing-wen will increase her power and prestige. President Ma should actively help the moderates within the Democratic Progressive Party. He should allow them to emerge from the shadows of the past, and to take a more moderate path.

Three. Since Chairperson Tsai has invited President President Ma to the event, he is the guest. She must therefore treat him as the president. She may not allow him to be treated disrespectfully or to be embarrassed. To do so would amount to a serious breach of etiquette, and she would find it hard to escape severe public condemnation.

Four. President Ma has never been much of a communicator. Whether the communication is intraparty or interparty, his record has been nothing to boast about. He has repeatedly invited Chairperson Tsai to the Presidential Palace to exchange views, to hold a "Two Yings Conference." But he always left the impression he was being condescending. Today, the mountain will not come to Ma. Therefore Ma must go to the mountain. He should personally attend the Conference on National Affairs. If Chairman Tsai refuses to open channels of communication with him, she will be the one to lose popular support.

Five. The government has prepared a number of programs to rescue the economy. But not one of them involved consultation with other parties. This Conference on National Affairs adresses financial and economic issues. Both the DPP and Taiwan Solidarity Union are political parties within the system. If President Ma takes part in the Conference on National Affairs, the event will be seen as something contained within the system. It will reinforce the notion that the conclusions of the conference should be dealt with within the system. It may remedy many of the shortcomings in interparty programs intended to rescue the economy.

Entering an opposition party's conference is not that difficult. Reaching out to one's opponents in good faith is not that embarrassing. Listening to voices critical of oneself is not that distressing. President Ma should perceive the invitation as a rare opportunity, and calmly attend. Because when an opposition party invites the president to take part in a People's Conference on National Affairs President Ma can respond from his exalted position as head of state. If the mountain will not come to Ma, then Ma must go to the mountain.

給馬總統的建議：喚山不來則就山
【聯合報╱社論】
2009.02.19 04:04 am

民進黨與台聯將在周末舉行「民間國是會議」，蔡英文主席邀請馬總統與會；並謂：「如果馬總統不來，就是拒絕人民心聲。」「倘若馬政府不聆聽民意，群眾運動將很難避免。」

蔡主席的話雖略嫌霸氣，也不無威脅之意，而此次會議究竟能達成多少預期目標，甚至有沒有所謂的預期目標，也仍令人存疑；但即便如此，我們仍建議馬總統：民進黨既已遞出邀請函，馬總統即何妨堂堂皇皇欣然赴會，展現國家領導人廓然大公的氣度與高度。

十九年前，李登輝為回應民間改革期望，並欲藉民意壓制國民黨內的保守勢力，曾首度召開國是會議；當時民進黨內部為了應否參加也曾有過激烈爭論，最後黃信介等溫和派人士答應與會，邱義仁等主張體制外路線者則強烈反對。

當年參加國是會議的朝野人士，理念未盡相同，終極目標也可能有異，但在民主化改革的共同認知前提下，卻讓那次國是會議變成了改革台灣民主體制的發動機，推動完成了總統直選等重大的憲政改革工作。

繼任的陳水扁總統雖未召開過國是會議，但他任內舉辦的兩次全國財經會議，目的即在仿效李登輝，以廣邀朝野人士出席會議的形式回應民意對他拚經濟的呼籲。但陳水扁在會後卻背棄了民意期待，兩次財經會議幾乎無一項決議落實，兩岸直航三通等重大共識，擱置了八年後才由馬英九政府逐一實現，二次金改更成為扁政府遺留下來的大爛攤子。

前兩任總統為討論國是而召開大型會議，雖在當時與後來都有不同評價；對國是會議這個政治儀式到底能有多少實質功能，也一向有仁智之見；但台灣現今處於百年罕遇的社會經濟困境，期許朝野攜手可謂比任何時候更加迫切，因此我們建議馬總統能出席民間國是會議。理由有五點：

其一，所謂的國是會議，本應由執政的政府領導人號召籌辦，並主動向在野黨伸出和解之手；但民進黨現在既已主動舉辦，並公開邀請馬總統與會，馬總統若能借力使力，應邀出席，亦可將此次會議提升至國家民主機制的高度。既不會因婉拒失禮而落人話柄，又可展現國家元首願意聆聽多元民意的民主風度。

其二，當年李登輝召開國是會議時需要黨外的奧援，如今有意改革民進黨的蔡英文，也同樣需要黨外奧援。李登輝當年不怕民進黨因國是會議而抬高身價，馬英九如今執政已握有國會絕對多數，更不可能擔心替蔡英文「站台」而長她威風；馬總統甚至更應積極促成民進黨內溫和派的壯大，讓他們走出過去的陰影，邁向中道路線。

其三，蔡主席既邀馬總統為座上賓，來者是客，就理當以總統規格相待，絕不至於令會場上出現讓國家元首難堪的場面，否則不但嚴重失禮，也難逃輿論的嚴厲譴責。

其四，馬總統一向不是個稱職的「溝通者」，不論黨內溝通或黨際溝通，紀錄都乏善可陳。他雖多次邀蔡主席入府晤談，想促成「雙英會」，卻總給人居高臨下的感覺；如今若能「喚山不來則就山」，親赴民間國是會議，屆時蔡主席若再拒絕打開溝通管道，恐難獲民意認同。

其五，政府雖已擬訂了無數個金額動輒百億千億的救經濟方案，但其中無一項方案是依跨黨派決策過程所形成。此次民間國是會議排定的均屬財經民生議題，且民進黨與台聯均屬體制內政黨；馬總統參加民間國是會議，允宜以民主體制會議視之，再則對會中見解也應以體制內意見處理，或可補各種救經濟方案中跨黨派內涵略嫌不足的缺憾。

走進在野黨主場的會議，沒那麼困難；向反對自己的人伸出善意的手，沒那麼難堪；耳聽此起彼落批判自己的聲音，也沒那麼窘迫。馬總統不妨視此次邀請為難得的機遇，磊落從容地應邀出席；因為，當在野黨邀請總統參加民間國是會議，馬總統自當以國家元首的高度給予回應。喚山不來則就山！