Ma Administration: Don't Let Mere Technicalities Undermine the Big Picture

Ma Administration: Don't Let Mere Technicalities Undermine the Big Picture
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
December 18, 2009

The Ma administration has been in office for a year and a half. Mere technicalities have repeatedly undermined many of its major policies. They have clouded the essential issues, and even ignited heated controversy. President Ma Ying-jeou was recently interviewed by the Wall Street Journal. He spoke in an earnest and measured manner about his views on cross-Strait developments. And yet a simple "s" at the end of the word "decade“ generated pointless controversy. Unfortunately this example is all too typical.

Cross-Strait disputes are complex. They involve pain and sorrow dating back four hundred years. Taiwan's political climate is unique. Reunification and independence stand at loggerheads with each other, generating voluminous rhetoric over cross-Strait issues. Any political leader aspiring to high office must trot out his own set of arguments, and use them to rally public support. Blue Camp advocates of reunification and Green Camp advocates of independence are unable to sway each other. Under the circumstances, maintaining the status quo has become the common denominator. Reunification is something for the distant future. Independence, on the other hand, is a pipe dream. Most people think independence is not even worth discussing, because the Republic of China's national sovereignty is well-established. Reunification is an issue because many people have powerful apprehensions about reunification.

During President Ma's interview, he earnestly addressed the question of why the public on Taiwan doesn't want [immediate] reunification?" He spoke to the American media, but in fact he was speaking to Beijing. He wanted Beijing to hear and understand the true feelings of the public on Taiwan. As far as Mainland China is concerned, reunification is the most important national goal. Its timing can be postponed. But the goal is non-negotiable. In the past, the public on Taiwan considered the Mainland too impoverished and too restrictive. Now Mainland reforms and liberalization have transformed it into an economic powerhouse. Yet many people on Taiwan still refuse to reunify. Why? Ma Ying-jeou said "We (people on Taiwan and people on the Mainland) don't even know each other that well." As he explained, opening cross-Strait exchanges will help promote Mainland China's economic freedom, and even political freedom. This is an historic opportunity. "I want to create a situation where the two sides could. . . see which system is better for the Chinese culture, for the Chinese people."

Put plainly, Ma Ying-jeou said that what the public on Taiwan wants before it considers reunification, is democracy. Mainland China may be close to having a free market economic system. But it is still a long way from having a democratic political system. Local elections were instituted during the "Two Chiangs Era." Direct presidential elections were instituted during the Lee Teng-hui era. Two changes in ruling parties have taken place. The Republic of China is no longer a party-dominated authoritarian nation. Legislators may blast administration officials. Ordinary citizens may protest. Amidst the chaos, there is ordered freedom. Democracy has become synonymous with sunshine, air, and water. It is indispensable.

Such an informative interview, and yet the Presidential Office failed to issue a press release. The domestic media had to quote the Wall Street Journal. Note Ma Ying-jeou's key statement, "Whether there will be reunification as expected by the mainland side depends very much on what is going to unfold in the next decades. Note how carefully the President stressed reunification "as expected by the mainland side," and not "as expected by the Taiwan side." And yet, the opposition DPP blasted him. They accused Ma Ying-jeou of embracing "ultimate unification." They mocked the President's "poor English grammar." Ma Ying-jeou agreed to an interview with the foreign media, out of the best of motives. But he was drowned out by wave upon wave of criticism and ridicule over mere technicalities.

The President agreed to an interview with the foreign media. It was hardly the first time a news report differed with the facts. So the question is, why does the same problem keep happening, again and again? Ma Ying-jeou likes to speak English, and his English is not bad. But critics have suggested that need not use English from beginning to end. The President agreed to an interview with the foreign media, in his capacity as the President of the Republic of China. The interview was conducted within the Republic of China. For him to conduct the interview in Mandarin would hardly be impolite. If anything, it would underscore his status as the head of state. It would underscore a head of state's respect for and belief in his own nation. Most importantly, it would avoid misunderstandings when the foreign media transcribes such interviews.

Furthermore, when the President agrees to an interview with the international media, he is speaking as a representative of the nation. He is speaking as the President of the Republic of China, rather than as an individual. As part of his Presidential duties, he should issue a press release. It is his duty to his countrymen. Each time the President makes a statement, he has an obligation and responsibility to the people. Otherwise, how can the people monitor his performance? How can they know whether his words are consistent with the national interest? This was so during the Two Chiangs era. This was so during the Lee Teng-hui era. This was so even during the Chen Shui-bian era. Only Ma Ying-jeou, out of whatever special considerations, or austerity measures, or baffling personality quirks, has thinned out the ranks of the Presidential Office so drastically. No matter how austere one might want to be, one surely needs at least one or two interpreters. President Ma Ying-jeou himself was a translator. Surely he knows how important this work is. If the Presidential Office has no one to perform translations or write press releases, surely the Government Information Office can assume responsibility for international PR, or assign this task to the Central News Agency.

Ma Ying-jeou got his start at Chiang Ching-kuo's side. He should have learned a little something from him. Yet he doesn't conduct interviews in Mandarin. He doesn't issue press releases. These are a technical problems. But they reflect a more important problem. Does Ma Ying-jeou really understand the importance of interviews with the international media? Does the Presidential Office understand that not issuing a press release for presidential interviews, may result in the president's words being misunderstood? Does it understand that this is a dereliction of duty? The Presidential Office needs to realize that press releases of the President's interviews are official documents, and that one day they will become part of the historical record.

中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2009.12.18
社論－馬政府別再讓枝節問題 壞了大事
本報訊

就任一年半多，馬政府許多重大政策，總是因為技術問題，干擾了議題本質，不但模糊焦點，甚至造成爭議。馬英九總統接受《華爾街日報》專訪，言辭懇切、情理俱足地談他對兩岸發展的見解，卻因為一個「Ｓ」，釀出一堆無聊的爭議，就是最典型的例證。

兩岸關係糾葛複雜，恩怨情仇上溯四百年；台灣政治生態特殊，統獨兩端各持立論，反而讓「兩岸論述」汗牛充棟，凡有志競逐大位的政治領袖，無不得提出一套說法，並藉此做為號召群眾的核心。在藍綠統獨彼此無法說服的情況下，維持現狀反而成為最大公約數，要談統也是在遙遠不可測的未來，要談獨同樣寄託於不知能否實現的希望或夢想；有更多人認為，獨不必談，因為台灣的國家主權明確，統會是一個問題，因為還有太多人對統一這件事，心懷強烈憂懼。

馬總統這篇專訪，誠懇面對「台灣為什麼不想統一」這件事，他既是對美國媒體說，更重要是說給對岸聽：希望對岸必須理解、體會台灣人民真實的心聲。對中國大陸而言，統一是最重要的國家目標，時間可以放遠，目標絕對不能放棄。過去，台灣嫌中國不夠富裕、不夠開放；現在，中國改革開放還成為經濟崛起的大國，台灣還不肯統一，為什麼？馬英九含蓄的說，「我們（兩岸）還不夠了解彼此。」緊接著，他繼續詮釋，推動開放有助於促進中國經濟自由、乃至政治自由，現在是個歷史契機，「我想要塑造一種情況，讓雙方能夠…看看哪個制度對中國文化、對中國人民更好。」

馬英九這番話等於講白了，台灣需要的是民主政治！而中國大陸不論如何貼近市場經濟，終究距離民主政治還遠，從兩蔣時代就習慣基層選舉，李登輝時代更開放總統民選的台灣，已經經過兩次政黨輪替，再也不是過去那個以黨領政的威權國家，儘管立委能罵官、小民能嗆聲，吵吵鬧鬧，卻有著亂中有序的自由。民主在台灣，已經等同陽光、空氣與水，不可或缺。

這麼漂亮的專訪，很奇特的，總統府未發任何新聞稿。國內媒體引據的是《華爾街日報》出刊後的報導，馬英九的關鍵用語，「兩岸能否如大陸期待的統一，得看未來十年的情勢發展。」總統多麼謹慎地強調了是「大陸期待」而非「台灣期待」的統一，結果，卻被在野黨痛批，指責馬英九心目中就是「終極統一」，更嘲諷總統英文文法有點差。馬英九接受國際媒體訪問的一番用心，全部被淹沒在這些枝節的批評與嘲諷之中。

總統接受外媒訪問，出現報導與原意有落差，早不是第一次了。問題是：為什麼相同的狀況一而再、再而三的出現？過去輿論即曾建議，喜歡講英文、英文其實很不差的馬英九，以總統身分接受國際媒體訪問時，實在沒必要全程使用英文，做為中華民國總統，又在國內接受訪問，使用本國語言，既不失禮，更顯元首之尊，這是元首對自己代表國家的最大敬重和信仰，最重要的，避免外媒在採訪到寫譯過程中可能發生的誤讀。

其次，總統接受國際媒體訪問，是代表國家對外發言，談話代表的是中華民國而非總統個人，總統府職責上應該發出新聞稿，這是對國家人民負責。總統每一次對外發言，都有義務和責任對人民公開，否則人民如何監督？如何知道總統之言是否符合國家人民利益？不要說兩蔣時代如此，李登輝時代、陳水扁時代都是如此，獨獨馬英九，不曉得是什麼特殊考量或儉樸到莫名其妙的個性，讓總統府人事精簡到一個程度，問題是，再精簡總得用一、二個翻譯官吧？馬英九自己是總統翻譯官出身，總該知道這個工作有多重要吧？總統府沒人譯寫新聞稿，新聞局職司國際宣傳，也可交待新聞局辦理啊。

馬英九跟在蔣經國身邊起家，學也該學到一點皮毛，不用國語受訪、不發新聞稿，是技術問題，卻也反映出更重要的問題：馬英九到底知不知道國際媒體專訪的重要性？總統府知不知道不為總統訪談發出新聞稿，致令總統之言遭到誤解，已經有虧職守？總統府必須認知，總統訪談的新聞稿，既是官定文本，也將是歷史紀錄。