The Meaning behind DPP Factional Struggles

The Meaning behind DPP Factional StrugglesUnited Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 30, 2010

Four years ago, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) declared that it was dissolving its factions. But the main attraction during the DPP's recent plenary meeting was factional infighting and quid pro quo deal-making. As long as the DPP's factional infighting persists, the DPP will to remain a party that spins its wheels and goes nowhere. As long as the DPP's factional infighting contaminates its immediate surroundings, Taiwan will remain a society that spin its wheels and goes nowhere.

The recent restructuring of the Central Standing Committee has led to three results. One. The Chen Shui-bian camp has been annihilated. Two. The influence of party elders and hardline Taiwan independence elements has declined. Three. The New Tide faction, the Su Tseng-chang camp, and the Green Friendship Alliance have become the biggest winners. This outcome suggests that Chen Shui-bian no longer has the werewithal to stir up trouble within the party. That said, the DPP has yet to emerge from the shadow of Chen Shui-bian. In other words, the strategic scenario has experienced a minor and temporary shift due to the Five Cities Elections. The party has yet to take a long, hard look at its party line. What the changes in the Central Standing Committee signify remains unclear.

Consider the Chen Shui-bian camp. Members of Chen's Justice Alliance can only run for their lives. During the May party representatives election, the New Tide faction and the Frank Hsieh camp ganged up on the Justice Alliance. As a result Luo Wen-chia and Huang Ching-ling were routed. Yu Cheng-hsien defected to the Chen Chu camp. Chen Chi-mai joined the Frank Hsieh camp. As the situation stands, it makes no difference how much of a fight Chen Shui-bian might put up. His influence over the DPP leadership has evaporated.

Consider the party elders. Trong Chai is the only member of this faction with a seat on the Central Standing Committee, He is already finding it hard to promote his agenda. Annette Lu badly misjudged the situation when she aligned herself with the party elders during a recent crisis. She no longer has any chance of remaining on the Central Standing Committee. Carelessness spelled defeat for the "Old White Rabbit." The Chen Shui-bian faction suffered a humiliating defeat. The problem however, is that Chen Shui-bian, Annette Lu, the party elders, and hardline Taiwan independence elements have basked in the limelight for too many years. They are not about to retire quietly from the battlefield. That much we know beforehand.

The old soldiers have gradually fallen by the wayside, howling in anguish. Ho Chi-wei, an complete unknown, has been elected to the Central Standing Committee. That was the most interesting development during the recent plenary meeting. Ho Chi-wei is thirty-something. Were he not the son of Hsueh Ling, what chance would he have had? As it is, he was a shoo-in for Central Standing Committee memership the moment he announced his candidacy. Factional struggles within the DPP are a cold-blooded affair. But they also involve subtle gamesmanship. Rivals don't confront each other directly. They don't concern themselves with belief systems. They "rise above" political ideology. They care only about power. Ability, integrity, and ideology must kowtow before the power of conglomerates. DPP leaders may spout high-minded green ideology. But they meekly tolerate these plutocrats in their midst. The scene is so tranquil, but the implications are so thought-provoking.

In addition to Ho Chi-wei, Yen Hsiao-ching, a forty-something with the New Tide faction was elected to the Central Standing Committee. By a one vote margin, he edged out an indignant Annette Lu. For the New Tide faction this may have been a windfall. But for the party, it was merely a further debasement of Central Standing Committee membership. The New Tide faction has cultivated fresh talent for years. It has a protocol for orderly generational secession. Four years after the "dissolution of factions," the New Tide faction is alive and kicking. Other factions can only look on enviously. But consider the larger interests of the party. The Chen family was an albatross around its neck. The party has rid itself of that albatross. It stands at a new watershed. What lies on the other side of the ridge? Even the DPP leadership doesn't know.

During the recent plenary meeting the New Tide faction/Su Tseng-chang camp faction scored a major victory. No one was surprised. But lest we forget, the same scenario played out once before in 2006. The Chen family was engaged in runaway corruption. The public was starting to complain. Premier Su Tseng-chang, supported by the New Tide faction, emerged victorious. The theme of that plenary meeting was "an honest face, a bold vision," Ironically, it insisted on covering up for Ah-Bian. Even more ironically, Ah-Bian eventually ordered the dissolution of factions, and ganged up on the New Tide faction. Frank Hsieh and Chen Shui-bian ganged up on an overexposed Su Tseng-chang, and forced him to relinquish his 2008 presidential campaign.

Four years later, the New Tide faction and the Su Tseng-chang camp have recaptured the Central Standing Committee. But who knows whether this formidable strategic alliance will remain following the year-end elections? Will factional disputes during the elections result in backstabbling? Frank Hsieh would rather break his promise than lose his central role on the political stage. The moves he and the other factions make should be closely monitored. Su Tseng-chang asked Chang Hong-lu to relinquish his Central Standing Committee seat, and give it to Chen Ming-wen. Superficially, this was a generous gesture. In fact, it was motivated by selfish calculation. If Su Tseng-chang had not preemptively seized the candidacy for Taipei mayor, how much momentum would he still have today? Meanwhile, Tsai Ing-wen must guard against Frank Hsieh, and not repeat the mistakes Su once made.

The theme of the recent plenary meeting was "a glorious and blessed new generation." Each of the five cities mayoral candidates staged photo ops, with them holding the hands of young children. The atmosphere oozed warmth. But four years ago, when the theme of the plenary meeting was "boldness and vision" its sole accomplishment was the coverup of Chen Shui-bian's corruption and an open power struggle. The DPP put on quite a show. But the public was hardly impressed by what it saw.

民進黨派系鬥爭中掩映的景色
【聯合報╱社論】
2010.07.30 03:18 am

宣告解散派系四年，民進黨此次全代會的主要戲碼仍是派系角力和換票交易。只要民進黨的派系鬥爭不止，民進黨就注定是一「內耗空轉」的政黨；再經民進黨將內部矛盾向外部投射，台灣也就注定是一「內耗空轉」的社會。

這次中常會改組主要結果有三：一是扁系人馬幾全軍覆沒；二是公媽派及急獨派式微；三是新潮流、蘇系和綠色友誼連線成最大贏家。這個結局，可解讀為陳水扁已失去在黨內興風作浪的力量，但要說民進黨已擺脫了阿扁陰影附身的大形勢，恐怕還嫌太早。亦即，這只是隨五都選戰移轉的小形勢，派系暫時變化隊形，但黨並未就路線問題作出嚴肅檢討，中常會結構變化也就看不出明確意義。

就扁系而言，「正義連線」旗下人馬只能作鳥獸散。五月間的黨部主委改選，即已出現新系和謝系合作圍剿扁系的現象；再經此役，羅文嘉、黃慶林潰敗，余政憲投靠菊營，陳其邁轉與謝系合作。情勢至此，不管阿扁再如何作困獸之鬥，他在黨中央的殘餘已被掏盡。

再看公媽派，僅蔡同榮在中常會維持一席，已難掩力不從心。呂秀蓮在關鍵時刻選擇與公媽派結盟，是嚴重的判斷失誤，結果把自己晉身中常會的機會都敗掉。「老白兔」大意失荊州，狼狽不遜扁系的潰敗。問題是，扁蓮、公媽派和急獨派等享受過多年榮光的大老們，都不會甘心將自己的戰績簿束諸高閣，就此退出江湖，這也是可以預見的發展。

在老將紛紛落馬的哀吼中，名不見經傳的何志偉一舉當選中常委，堪稱此次全代會最耐人尋味的景象。年方卅的何志偉，若非薛凌之子，何德何能，一宣布角逐，便將中常委職位手到擒來？在民進黨冷酷的派系廝殺中，存在著一種柔性遊戲，不假刀槍、不問信仰，只在超乎政治理念的交往中論斤兩；在財團的實力之前，資歷、操守、路線皆須稱臣。從民進黨這一隅「綠色友誼」櫥窗，掩映著黨內資產階層的綺麗風光，如此祥和，又如此耐人尋味。

除何志偉，六年級的顏曉菁靠著新系的眼明手快，以一票奪下中常委，氣走呂秀蓮。對新潮流而言，這是意外收穫；但對黨而言，卻是貶低了中常委的政治分量。新潮流以其平日的深耕，展現整齊的世代梯隊，在「解散派系」四年後依然一尾活龍，這是其他派系所難望項背。但從黨的大局看，甩掉扁家包袱之後，分水嶺的另一頭是什麼風景，恐怕黨中央自己也不十分了然。

「新、蘇」聯軍在全代會大獲全勝，其實並不令人意外。但別忘了，同樣的戲碼，在二○○六年即已上演過一回。當時扁家貪瀆露端倪，社會各界正開始聲討，蘇揆在新潮流的簇擁下燦爛勝出。諷刺的是，那次全代會主軸是「誠實面對、勇敢前瞻」，卻一心為阿扁護航，最後更下令「解散派系」。結果新潮流慘遭圍剿，鋒芒太露的蘇貞昌則遭長扁聯手打壓，把角逐二○○八總統的資格拱手讓人。

四年之後，新潮流和蘇系再度征服中常會，但誰知道這樣壯闊的軍容，在年底選戰結束後是否仍能維持？或者，會不會在選舉中即遭其他派系紛起扯其後腿？謝長廷寧願違背承諾，也不願失去自己站在政治舞台中央的角色，他和其他派系合縱連橫的動向值得觀察。但就像蘇貞昌要求張宏陸將中常委讓位給陳明文，表面豁然大度，其實充滿心機；其實，若非蘇貞昌先下手搶了北市的選戰位置，他今天哪有這樣的氣勢和餘裕？面向小英，同時提防背後的長仔，這是蘇貞昌不能重蹈的覆轍。

這次全代會主軸為「光榮幸福新一代」，五都候選人逐一牽著幼童出場，充分展現溫情氣息。但想到四年前標榜「勇敢前瞻」的全代會最後卻演出大護航和大內鬥，民進黨的表演藝術，也就教人興味索然了。