Su Tseng-chang: Getting No Love from His Comrades

Su Tseng-chang: Getting No Love from His Comrades
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
April 12, 2012

Summary: Yao Chia-wen accused Su Tseng-chang of being insufficiently "Taiwan centric." Mark Chen insinuated that Su Tseng-chang is too "Old School." Other DPP leaders are showing Su Tseng-chang no love. Even if he is elected, Su will become just another leader unable to move forward. The DPP is wandering back and forth along a narrow path, wondering how to return to power, wondering how to reclaim its founding spirit.

Full Text below:

Yao Chia-wen accused Su Tseng-chang of being insufficiently "Taiwan centric." Mark Chen insinuated that Su Tseng-chang is too "Old School." Yesterday, amidst a storm of criticism, Su Tseng-chang announced his candidacy for the DPP party chairmanship. As a gesture of deference, he deliberately moved his schedule up two hours, to avoid running into Wu Rong-i. Various indications suggest that Su Tseng-chang's position within the party is an awkward one. He is a person who lacks his comrades' blessing.

Su Tseng-chang teamed up with Frank Hsieh during the 2008 general election. Since then he has been ostracized by his comrades. In the wake of the five cities elections, presidential election, party primaries, and party chairmanship election, his fate has been sealed. In response, Su Tseng-chang has kept a low profile. Before registering as a candidate for the party chairmanship, he deliberately made a point of visiting Chen Shui-bian in prison. He met with Tsai Ing-wen, Frank Hsieh, and other DPP leaders. In an effort to mollify the hostility directed at thim, he deferred to other DPP leaders. But by softening his stance so much, Su Tseng-chang undercut his image. His "charge, charge, charge" image of boldness has been severely undermined.

Given the current batch of contenders, Su Tseng-chang still has the best chance of being elected party chairman. For this very reason, powerful calls to "Stop Su" are being heard. Taiwan independence hardliners and others are attempting to contain him. The situation has become more and more intriguing. Accusations that Su Tseng-chang is not sufficiently "Taiwan centric" mean that Taiwan independence hardliners do not trust him. Mocking him as "Old School" reminds people that he is a chronic loser. It rubs salt in his wounds, as punishment for his indifference to "Pardon Ah-Bian!" demands. These charges may not prevent Su Tseng-chang from being elected party chairman. But they are enough to sow party discord. They are enough to weaken DPP unity and cohesion.

In fact Su Tseng-chang's predicament is the DPP's predicament. Tsai Ing-wen's four years as DPP leader was manna from heaven. But despite her excellent credentials. she ultimately met defeat. If the DPP hopes to return to power, it must review its political path and make the required changes. Tsai Ing-wen's parting words to the party were that the DPP must be more proactive in its cross-Strait strategy. She hoped the DPP would understand Mainland China better, as it interacted with it more. But the DPP has yet to budge even an inch. Party officials are still hurling charges at each other about who is or is not sufficiently Taiwan centric, and whose Taiwan independence bona fides are adequate. If a Taiwan indepdendence hardliner such as Wu Rong-i or Trong Chai is elected party chairman, the DPP's political path can easily be imagined. Meanwhile, suppose Su Tseng-chang or Hsu Hsin-liang attempts to adopt a pragmatic path? Won't they be bound hand and foot?

The influence of Taiwan independence hardliners within the DPP is growing. They sing the same tune as "Nativist oriented" pressure groups. This is the result of the DPP's long-term strategy of populist rabble-rousing. It is hardly surprising. What is odd is how this hardline Taiwan independence ideology has merged with backers of Chen Shui-bian following his imprisonment, and attacked the party. What is odd is how hardline Taiwan independence ideology has merged with unblinking apologism for corruption. This is certain to erode the DPP's once democratic nature and discredit its Nativist agenda. What is odd is how the DPP leadership turns a blind eye to all this. Party factions exploit these irrational forces for the sake of intra-party power struggles. This illustrates just how lost the DPP really is.

Consider the conduct of the DPP over the past four years. It remains the largest opposition party. From time to time it still poses a threat to the KMT in local elections. But democratic politics on Taiwan has evolved. The DPP no longer has an adequate understanding of Taiwan society. It has even less ability to lead that society. Day after day, it repeats the same old slogans. It replays the same tired old tunes. Su Tseng-chang is mocked as "Old School." If so, then the DPP ought to be mocked as senile. It is an old dog that knows no new tricks. Isn't that so?

"Experts at fighting one's comrades. Amateurs at fighting outsiders." That was the charge long leveled at the KMT. Today it is more applicable to the DPP. This is clear from the internecine struggle against Su Tseng-chang. Theoretically the DPP is choosing the kind of person it wants as chairman. Theoretically this is its own business. But consider the power struggle from the perspective of civil society. This is a political party that has a surfeit of fighting spirit, but a deficit of guiding principles. It may find itself in the opposition, or it may wind up ruling the nation. Either way it is a dangerous force. The DPP was once in power. Now it is out of power, and Chen Shui-bian is in prison. DPP leaders feel emotionally conflicted. They find it difficult to say what they feel. Party leaders resort to populist demagoguery even more readily. No attempt is made to reach a balanced conclusion. This is a regrettable development.

The plight of the DPP is a microcosm of the plight of Taiwan. In recent years political evolution on Taiwan has stalled. The ruling and opposition parties lack momentum. They are unable to promote progress. All they know how to do is stonewall each other. The voices of opposition may be in the minority. But their importance will always be exaggerated. This is why politics on Taiwan has never been able to transcend its surreal mythology, This is why outsiders pay such close attention to the DPP chairmanship election.

Other DPP leaders are showing Su Tseng-chang no love. Even if he is elected, Su will become just another leader unable to move forward. The DPP is wandering back and forth along a narrow path, wondering how to return to power, wondering how to reclaim its founding spirit.
  
不被同志祝福的蘇貞昌
【聯合報╱社論】
2012.04.12 02:01 am


遭姚嘉文指控不是「台派」，被陳唐山暗諷太過「老派」，在一片唱衰聲中，蘇貞昌昨天登記參選黨主席。為了避免和吳榮義「撞時」，他還特別提早兩小時前往，以示謙退。種種景象，顯示了蘇貞昌在黨內的尷尬處境：他成了一個不受同志祝福的人。

從二○○八搭配謝長廷參加大選，蘇貞昌就陷於這種被同志擠兌的狀態；經過五都選舉、總統大選黨內初選以迄黨主席選舉，這樣的形勢愈發固定。對此，蘇貞昌保持低調以對，登記參選前更刻意至獄中探視陳水扁，拜會蔡英文、謝長廷等人，做足姿態希望化解各方阻力。但身段柔軟至此，卻也讓蘇貞昌的形象變得模糊，他曾標榜的「衝衝衝」氣魄早已磨平。

論實力，在現有角逐者中，蘇貞昌應是最有機會當選黨主席的人。正因如此，傳出這麼強大的「卡蘇」聲浪，獨派及同志大動作圍堵他，愈發耐人尋味。說蘇貞昌不是「台派」，顯示獨派不相信他；譏諷他「老派」的人，則是旨在戳他「屢戰屢敗」的傷口，以回敬他對連署赦扁的冷淡。這些指摘，未必能阻止蘇貞昌當選主席，卻足以使黨內離心離德，乃至使未來的民進黨無法團結和凝聚。

事實上，蘇貞昌今天的困境，反射的也是民進黨的困境。蔡英文領導的四年若是民進黨天上掉下來的禮物，以其絕佳條件，也只落得敗選收場；民進黨要重返執政，難道不需要在路線上檢討調整？蔡英文臨別贈言，希望民進黨的兩岸戰略能更積極，在「互動中了解中國」，而今民進黨仍寸步未移，黨內誰不是台派、誰不是獨派的血統貼籤已經滿天飛舞。試想，這次若是獨派的吳榮義或蔡同榮等人當選主席，民進黨的走向可想而知；設若是蘇貞昌或許信良等人想要改走務實路線，又豈能不被掣肘？

民進黨內獨派勢力坐大，和周邊本土社團彼此唱和，是民進黨長期民粹式本土戰略所餵養的結果，並不令人意外。比較詭異的是，這種主獨的意識型態，竟在陳水扁入獄後和挺扁的力量合而為一，向黨內發動攻擊。台獨和挺貪腐的合流，勢必會消蝕民進黨的民主本質、汙損本土訴求；奇怪的是，民進黨內對此不僅裝作視若無睹，不時且有派系利用這種非理性力量來進行黨內鬥爭，這才是民進黨真正的迷失。

審視民進黨四年來的表現，它雖仍維持「最大在野黨」的位置，在地方選舉不時也能對國民黨構成威脅；但若從民主政治的進展看，民進黨其實對台灣社會已經沒有多少分析的能力，更遑論帶領社會。日復一日，它重複著自己喊過多年的口號，彈著令人疲憊的問政老調；若說蘇貞昌「老派」，其實在這個意義上，整個民進黨都已老態龍鍾，讓人感到了無新意了。不是嗎？

「內鬥內行，外鬥外行」是早年外界用來形容國民黨的語句，如今拿來形容民進黨，似乎還更貼切；從這次黨內各派系「卡蘇」的有志一同，即一目了然。理論上，民進黨要選擇什麼樣的人擔任主席，是它自己的事；但從公民社會的角度看，一個鬥性充沛卻缺乏中心思想的政黨，不論在野或執政，都是極危險的事。尤其，民進黨在歷經執政失敗及阿扁入獄後，情緒變得複雜，言行也難以一致；黨內濫用民粹標籤的論調多了，但試圖平衡的言論卻反而消失，這都是令人惋惜的發展。

民進黨的困境，其實也是台灣民主困境的縮影。近年，台灣的民主政治踟躕不前，朝野政黨都缺乏足夠的動能來推促台灣進步，卻均能使出渾身解數來杯葛他人；反對的聲音或許是少數，卻永遠被放大得超乎事實，這也是台灣政治始終無法擺脫超現實迷思的主因，也是外界關注民進黨主席選舉的原因。

不被祝福的蘇貞昌，就算當選，會不會成為一個不具動能的領導人。問題在於，民進黨若只想在狹路徘徊，要如何重返執政？又如何重拾創黨精神？