Dissolve the Legislature, Begin Anew

Dissolve the Legislature, Begin Anew
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China)
A Translation
October 1, 2013

Summary: Yesterday, DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang said the DPP supports the dissolution of the Legislature and a new election. The DPP boasts that it "loves Taiwan." We urge the people to stand up and demand that the DPP walk the walk, and not just talk the talk. KMT lawmakers must wake up. They are sinking in quicksand, dying a slow death. They might as well launch a last-ditch struggle for a stable power base. Let the Legislative Yuan hold a new election. Only then will it truly reflect current public sentiment, and allow a return to constitutional rule.

Full text below:

The ruling KMT Speaker of Legislature and the opposition DPP Party Whip conspired to peddle influence with the Judiciary. As Chairman of the ruling KMT, the President attempted to revoke the Speaker of the Legislature's party membership and force him to resign from the Legislative Yuan. But the court blocked the attempt. The opposition DPP then seized the opportunity to force the President to resign. This started a chain reaction that has plunged Taiwan into its most serious constitutional crisis in history. The Executive Yuan cannot govern. The Legislative Yuan remains deadlocked. The Judicial Yuan is mired in a controversy over wire tapping and has lost the confidence of the public. People feel more confused, uncertain, and powerless than ever.

It pains us to note that Taiwan today lacks any sense of direction. It cannot find its target. It remains deadlocked. It persists in endless power struggles. It resembles a critically ill patient in ICU, totally dependent upon life support. Unless it undergoes major surgery, the prognosis is grim. No one knows how bad it will get. We solemnly urge a subjective and objective reevaluation of the current situation, and a thorough examination of future outcomes, both positive and negative. The president should invoke the "right to dissolve the Legislature" provided for in the amended constitution. He should call for a new Legislative Yuan election, enabling the public to express its will and dissolve the constitutional deadlock. This is the most effective, most powerful, most honorable, and most thorough solution. It is the best way to distinguish right from wrong, and to find our way out of the current dilemma.

The right to dissolve the legislature and the vote of no confidence (a legislative vote of no confidence regarding the premier) is a constitutional provision implemented in 1997 by the ROC 4th National Assembly. Its purpose was to avoid gridlock between the Executive Yuan and the Legislative Yuan. Prolonged gridlock can undermine national development. But the new provision also changed the constitutional framework. It changed it from a dual leadership cabinet system to a semi-presidential system. The Additional Articles to the Constitution stipulate that "The Legislative Yuan may, with the support of one third or more of its members, call for a vote of no confidence in the Premier. After the no-confidence motion is put forward... it shall... vote on the motion via secret ballot. If the motion is approved by over half of the members, the Premier shall resign within 10 days, and may petition the President to dissolve the Legislative Yuan." In other words, when the Legislative Yuan casts a vote of no confidence in the Executive Yuan, and the no-confidence vote is successful, the President must replace the Premier. He can also announce the dissolution of the Legislative Yuan.

The above mentioned constitutional provisions show that the president's right to dissolve the Legislature is a form of passive defense against a Legislature's no confidence vote. Its purpose is to maintain stability. Another purpose is to provide for new elections that reflect current public opinion in the event deadlocks are intractable and confrontations are serious. New Legislative elections enable one to clear the air and begin anew. In fact, the resignation of the cabinet and the corresponding right to dissolve the Legislature have a much lower threshold than the impeachment or recall of the president. This means it is more likely to happen and the process must be more efficient. This means of resolving constitutional impasses has existed for 16 years. Due to our political culture and other concerns, it has never been used. But Taiwan today is politically gridlocked. If President Ma and the ruling and opposition parties refuse to remain rational and pragmatic, and invoke this constitutional provision now, when it is needed, when will they invoke it?

Of course, actually dissolving the Legislature will lead to Machievellian political intrigues among the political parties, as well as among ruling and opposition party legislators. It will lead to calculations about gained or lost seats following the election. Legislators may find their terms cut short. They may face greater risks and require more campaign funding. These will all determine whether a new Legislative election is possible. The problem is, everyone knows the gridlock must be broken. Current legislators have two years left in their terms. Do they really want the nation paralzyed, the government idled, and the public panicked? Ruling and opposition party legislators all have their own interests. But can government and party leaders sit idly by, doing nothing?

Given current circumstances, most people think a new Legislative election will reduce the number of seats currently held by the KMT. If that is the case, and gridlock persists, public resentment against the ruling KMT will only increase. The ruling Kuomintang's illusory majority will only diminish. It will only find it more difficult to turn the tide. Next year's local elections could turn into a rout. The 2016 presidential election could lead to ruling party change. President Ma has long valued right and wrong. He is decent and incorruptible. He must embrace the possibility of defeat followed by eventual resurrection. He must forthrightly uphold constitutional rule. He must exercise initiative. He must explain to the people the reason for his devotion to principles. He must fight for his legacy. If he sits passively, and fails to take action, he will be relentlessly criticized and remain misunderstood until the end. If President Ma puts up a fight, he can turn the tide. The outcome of the new election is not a forgone conclusion.

Yesterday, DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang responded passively. He said the DPP supports the dissolution of the Legislature and a new election. But his party lacks the seats to call for a vote of no confidence. Su Tseng-chang may pay lip service to the dissolution of the Legislature. But he cannot avoid Machiavellian political calculations. The DPP boasts that it "loves Taiwan." We urge the people to stand up and demand that the DPP walk the walk, and not just talk the talk. KMT lawmakers must wake up. They are sinking in quicksand, dying a slow death. They might as well launch a last-ditch struggle for a stable power base. Let the Legislative Yuan hold a new election. Only then will it truly reflect current public sentiment, and allow a return to constitutional rule.

中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2013.10.01
社論－解散國會 以最新民意為台灣脫困
本報訊

    　執政黨國會議長與在野黨黨鞭涉嫌聯手司法關說，總統企圖以執政黨主席身分撤銷立法院長黨籍迫其下台，但撤銷黨籍受阻於司法而未竟其功，在野黨見縫插針企圖迫使總統辭職下台，引爆的連鎖風暴已經使整個台灣陷入有史以來最嚴重的憲政僵局與信任危機，不僅行政院無法施政、立法院持續空轉，司法系統也陷入監聽爭議失去民眾信任，全民更是茫然失措，社會充滿空前的不確定性和無力感。

    　我們要很沉痛地指出，如今的台灣，如果再這麼看不到方向、找不到目標，繼續僵持、纏鬥下去，就好像一個送進加護病房的重症病人，只靠著葉克膜維持生命的表象；除非痛下決心進行一次徹底的大手術，否則真的會凶多吉少，不知伊於胡底。我們要嚴肅呼籲，盱衡當前主客觀形勢、審思未來利弊發展，總統應援引憲法增修條文的「解散國會權」機制，重新改選立法院，訴諸最新民意仲裁爭議，化解憲政僵局，這將是最有效、最有力，也是最光明正大、最正本清源、更是最能展現大是大非的解套途徑！

    　「解散國會權」與「倒閣權」（立法院對行政院長提出不信任案）是我國在1997年國民大會第4次修憲時所新增的憲政機制；這是為了避免當國家尤其是行政、立法兩院陷入重大僵局時，因為長時間的僵持難解，重創國家發展，因此有了此一新的解套機制，也使我國憲政體制從雙首長偏內閣制，進入新的半總統制。根據憲法增修條文規定：「立法院得經全體立法委員三分之一以上連署，對行政院院長提出不信任案。不信任案提出…後，應…以記名投票表決之。如經全體立法委員二分之一以上贊成，行政院院長應於10日內提出辭職，並得同時呈請總統解散立法院。」也就是在國會對行政院提出不信任案倒閣時，當不信任案成立（倒閣成功）時，總統必須撤換閣揆，也可以宣布解散立法院。

    　從上述憲法條文規定來看，總統的解散國會權是一種防禦國會發動倒閣的被動權，目的一方面是為了維持施政的穩定性，另一方面也是為了真正遇到難解僵局、嚴重對立時，保有訴諸最新民意，重新改選國會進而開創新局的彈性。事實上，倒閣權與相應而來的解散國會權，其通過門檻比彈劾或罷免總統都來得低，意謂其設計實現的可能性應該更必要且更有效；而此一化解僵局的憲政制度通過至今已16年，基於我國政治文化與種種顧慮，至今從未使用過。但我們必須指出，以今天台灣政局之僵持糜爛，此時馬總統與朝野兩黨若還不能以開闊心胸，理性務實地援引此一憲政制度，請問何時還需用、能用此制度？

    　當然，我們不能迴避的是，一旦真要解散國會時，就會引發政黨以及朝野立委的權謀算計，畢竟這將會導致政黨重新估算改選後的席次比例是否更有利，也會中途截斷立委們的任期，使他們必須面臨更多的競選花費與當選風險，而這些都會影響到能否實現重新改選國會的可能性。問題是，全民都看得出來，如果再放任這種僵局下去，現有立委剩下的2年任期，難道真要淪落到國家癱瘓、政府空轉、全民惶惶的慘境？朝野立委也許各有本位私利，但國家元首、政黨領袖也可以坐視不管嗎？

    　以目前的形勢與氛圍來看，若真的改選國會，一般似乎認為國民黨可能會比現在的席次更少。然而若真是如此，以現在的僵局繼續下去，民眾對執政黨的反感只會更增加，國民黨所謂多數執政的假象也只會持續惡化，更加難以脫困，甚至在明年的地方大選就會提前崩盤，乃至2016總統大選藍綠變色。因此，對一向強調大是大非、正派清廉的馬總統，更應該有懷抱置之死地而後生的覺悟，援引光明正大的憲政解紛機制，以主動的精神、積極的態度向全民訴說他的堅持與理念，爭取他真正的歷史定位。事實上，與其坐以待斃、無所作為乃至飽受誤解批判而終，馬總統的奮力一搏，當可重振生機，重新改選之勝負輸贏，尚在未定之天。

    　民進黨主席蘇貞昌昨天被動回應，民進黨支持解散國會、重新改選。但該黨目前席次尚不足發動倒閣，蘇貞昌支持解散立法院的口頭表述，難脫權謀算計的考量。站在愛台灣的立場，我們呼籲全民站出來，監督民進黨倒閣案要玩真的，也要喚醒國民黨立法委員，與其陷在政治泥濘中慢性死亡，不如奮力一搏換取穩定的執政基礎。讓立法院重新改選，才能真正訴諸最新民意，回歸憲政正軌。