KMT and DPP Must Get Back to TIFA
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 7, 2012
Summary: The DPP has agreed to allow the importation of U.S. beef in accordance with international standards. The sole remaining obstacle to Taipei and Washington signing TIFA has been eliminated. This is the beginning of KMT and DPP consensus on TIFA. The Republic of China is under threat, both from within and without. The KMT and DPP must work together to defend the Republic of China and to save the nation. They can begin with TIFA.
Full Text below:
The DPP has agreed to allow the importation of U.S. beef in accordance with international standards. The sole remaining obstacle to Taipei and Washington signing TIFA has been eliminated. This is the beginning of KMT and DPP consensus on TIFA. Its significance is twofold.
One. TIFA (Taiwan-US Trade Investment Framework Agreement) may be the only major national policy proposal that the DPP is not determined to block to the bitter end. When ECFA was signed the DPP denounced it as "pandering to [Mainland] China and selling out Taiwan." It blocked it to the bitter end. But meetings over TIFA began during the Chen Shui-bian era. The DPP is not about to object to improved Taipei-Washington relations. It has no reason to object.
Two. If TIFA is signed, economic and trade relations between Taipei and Washington will improve. More importantly, so will political relations. If TIFA goes smoothly, Taipei will find it easier to sign other FTAs. Looking further ahead, TIFA may pave the way for Taipei to participate in the TPP (Pan-Pacific Partnership). It may enable Taiwan to become a Free Trade Island. Therefore, TIFA is not merely a step that will improve relations between Taipei and Washington. It is an important first step for Taipei's global strategy.
In other words, if Taipei's goal is to make Taiwan a "Free Trade Island" then it must proceed from ECFA to TIFA to other FTAs to the Kaohsiung Free Trade Zone to TPP to a Free Trade Island. This is the step by step path it must take. This path has three meanings for Taiwan.
One. Taiwan has lost its way. TIFA will restore long-lost hope. The public will finally have a long range goal. A Free Trade Island will offer the public a vision everyone can work toward. It will show the way to achieve this goal. TIFA is the key.
Two. This goal and this path can change Taiwan. Taiwan has long been the victim of internal political bickering. TIFA can give Taiwan an economic perspective and an economic goal. It can offer a clear path. TIFA is the key.
Three. Joining the TPP wiil enable Taiwan to become a Free Trade Island. It will resolve Taiwan's economic and trade problems. It will show the way we must take. More importantly, it is the only way Taiwan can avoid marginalization on the international stage. The inevitable consequence of trade and economic marginalization is political marginalization. Taipei must use TPP and Taiwan's status as a Free Trade Island to become part of the international trade system. This will integrate it into the international security system. TIFA is the key.
In sum, we hope that the KMT and DPP will promptly end months of internal bickering. The signing of TIFA can be the basis for cooperation. Let us go from ECFA to TIFA to other FTAs to the Kaohsiung Free Trade Zone to TPP to a Free Trade Island. Let this path be the basis by which political parties compete. Let the parties forgo the vicious infighting that results in wheel-spinning. Competition between political parties will of course continue to compete. But one must know for what and for whom one is fighting for. We are fighting for Taiwan. We want it to become a Free Trade Island.
The Democratic Progressive Party is in coopetition with the KMT. It can play an important role. One. The DPP must not oppose TIFA. But it can safeguard Taiwan's interests during negotiations. Two. TIFA's political and economic basis is the same as the political and economic basis for ECFA, other FTAs, the Kaohsiung Free Trade Zone, TPP, and a Free Trade Island. Since the DPP supports TIFA, it must not oppose this underlying political and economic basis. Three. Cross-Strait goodwill and mutual trust is an important basis for this system. Therefore the DPP must confront this system. It must rethink its cross-strait policy.
Finally, we solemly suggest that such a path may be the only political and economic way out. It is a difficult path, one fraught with risk. Becoming a Free Trade Island requires, in Vincent Siew's words, liberalizing the economic environment while upgrading the industrial structure. This is no easy task. But if the economic environment is not liberalized, we cannot become competitive. Our industrial structure will not be of high enough quality. It will not be able to withstand the competition. Therefore, the KMT and the DPP must confront this situation. They must reach a consensus. One. This path requires bipartisanship. Two. The two parties must reach a bipartisan consensus on cross-Strait policy. .
The Republic of China is under threat, both from within and without. The KMT and DPP must work together to defend the Republic of China and to save the nation. They can begin with TIFA.
國民兩黨速速回到TIFA
【聯合報╱社論】
2012.07.07
民進黨宣布將依「國際標準」開放美牛,台美議簽TIFA的唯一障礙已然解除,此際正是國、民兩黨共同面對TIFA的開端,其主要意義有二:
一、TIFA(台美貿易投資架構協定)可能是民進黨唯一不至於全盤否定與全盤杯葛的國家重大政策。不像ECFA議簽之時,民進黨斥為「傾中賣台」,全力反對;而TIFA則始議自扁政府時代,民進黨不至於反對改善台美關係,無反對的理由。
二、如果簽成TIFA,非但可使台美經貿關係升級,亦將使台美的政治關係更趨改善。且TIFA若進行順利,對於台灣議簽其他「類FTA」(類自由貿易協定)亦有指標作用;再向前推,則是為台灣參加TPP(泛太平洋夥伴關係)預作鋪墊,並指向將台灣建設為「自由經貿島」。因此,TIFA不只是改善台美關係的一個動作,更可視為台灣全球佈局的一個重要起步。
也就是說,台灣若以「自由經貿島」為目標,則ECFA↓TIFA↓類FTA↓高雄自由經濟示範區↓TPP↓自由經貿島,即是必須一步一腳印地走下去的路徑圖。而此一路徑圖,對台灣又有三大意義:
一、這將使得久已失去憧憬、迷失了方向的台灣,終於找到了一個終極的「目標」或「志向」,即「自由經貿島」;亦即找到了一個全民可以共同努力的前景,並畫出了通向此前景的路徑,而TIFA正是關鍵性的一步。
二、此一目標及路徑,將可改變台灣一向糾纏於政治內耗之中,並以政治來綑綁自己的困局;轉而改以經濟的觀點來標定台灣的目標,並指出明確的路徑,而TIFA則是關鍵性的一步。
三、參加TPP、將台灣建設為自由經貿島,不但是解決台灣經貿難題的必趨及應趨之路,更是若欲使台灣在國際政治上不致流於邊緣化的唯一方案。因為,經貿邊緣化,帶來的後果必定就是政治邊緣化;而台灣如果能以TPP、自由經貿島融入國際經貿體系,也就是形同相當程度的融入了國際安全體系,而TIFA更是關鍵性的一步。
綜上所論,我們寄望國、民兩黨速速收拾起幾個月來內耗空轉的亂局,何妨就以TIFA的議簽做為攜手努力的第一個合作題材,共同將台灣引上ECFA↓TIFA↓類FTA↓高雄自由經濟示範區↓TPP↓自由經貿島的路徑之上;今後即以此一路徑,作為政黨競合關係的準據,勿再陷於歪纏惡鬥的內耗空轉之中。如此,政黨之間當然仍有競爭,唯也會知道為何而戰,為誰而戰,即是為台灣走向「自由經貿島」的路徑而戰。
民進黨在此一競合關係中,尤可擔負重要角色。因為:一、民進黨不可能反對TIFA,且反而可以在議簽過程中扮演守護台灣利益的監督者。二、TIFA所代表的政經思維,其實就是ECFA、類FTA、高雄自由經濟示範區、TPP,及自由經貿島等一致且一貫的政經思維;民進黨若支持TIFA,即不可能反對這整個的政經思維體系。三、兩岸的善意及互信,是此一體系的重要基礎,因此,民進黨面對此一體系,就不能不調整其兩岸政策。
最後,我們必須十分嚴肅地說,這一個路徑圖可能是台灣唯一的政經出路,但這條路徑卻十分艱難且充滿風險。在邁向自由經貿島的過程中,如何兼顧「經濟環境自由化/產業結構優質化」(蕭萬長語),絕非易事。經濟環境不自由化,就無法建立競爭力;產業結構不優質化,就禁不起競爭。因此,國民兩黨面對此一情勢,最基本的共同態度應是:一、在此一路徑圖上,必須有「兩黨一致」(bipartisanship)的共識;二、首先,必須建立兩岸政策的「兩黨一致」。
內憂外患,台灣危矣。希望國民兩黨同心協力保台救國,就從一起速速回到TIFA做起!
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