President Ma's Declarations are Not Enough
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 6, 2012
Summary: The Lin Yi-shi corruption case has dealt a major blow to President Ma's
reputation. Public approval has plummeted to a new low of 15%. The
Special Investigation Unit took immediate action and worked on the case
for several days straight. But if the Ma administration wants to reverse
the decline, it must take more convincing action. Only then can it
re-unite the people, and restore national morale.
Full Text below:
The Lin Yi-shi corruption case has dealt a major blow to President Ma's reputation. Public approval has plummeted to a new low of 15%. The Special Investigation Unit took immediate action and worked on the case for several days straight. But if the Ma administration wants to reverse the decline, it must take more convincing action. Only then can it re-unite the people, and restore national morale.
Lin Yi-shi abused his power as Secretary-General of the Executive Yuan to engage in corruption. He was immediately taken into custody. Clearly, the justice system has greater independence than before. But Ma Ying-jeou promoted Lin Yi-shi repeatedly. He contributed to LIn's unbridled arrogance. He is going to have a hard time avoiding ridicule for being a poor judge of character who was easily deceived. Turning everything over to the justice system will not make this go away. Superficially the matter pertains to Lin Yi-shi alone. But the Ma administration has stumbled repeatedly. The Lin corruption scandal has further undermined the Ma administration's prestige and popularity. This is what the ruling administration should concentrate on during this crisis.
President Ma has attempted to cope with the crisis, internally and externally, for several days. But the public senses little determination to turn the tide. One. When Ma first learned that a news magazine had blown the scandal wide open, he asked Lin Yi-shi to hold a press conference and explain himself. Nothing more. This made Ma look gullible and passive. Two. Ma subsequently issued a series of public apologies. But none came across as sincere, including his admonition that administration personnel should "learn a lesson from this." Ma's spin was disingenuous. It implied that he had nothing to do with it. Three. Ma's responses to any criticisms of his administration have never been convincing, Reciting "clean government" slogans merely reveals the impotence behind his good intentions.
Now in particular, dangers await. The affairs of state are overwhelming. Yet President Ma persists in his pro forma itinerary, giving speechs everywhere. He even presented certificates to comrades in the Central Standing Committee. He failed to allocate time to matters of state, or strengthen his resolve on national policy. Instead he shuttled back and forth, squandering valuable time on trivialities. Can this restore lost confidence in President Ma?
This does not mean a president must never participate in civic activities. It merely means he must reorder his priorities and make intelligent choices. If the nation's political and economic goals still need sorting out, yet leaders devote their time and energy to pro forma political speeches, how can they possibly rally the people to action?
Why was a corrupt martinet like Lin Yi-shi seen as a political golden boy? Beginning with Ma's first term. critics have repeatedly urged Ma to widen the circles from which he draws his staff and policy makers. They have urged him to listen more to suggestions from his presidential advisors, national policy advisors, and community leaders. President Ma loves giving talks before small groups. This has never changed. President Ma, when was the last time you heard this admonition? Do you remember who it was who gave you this advice?
President Ma is an honest man. He has integrity. Of this we need have no doubt. But honesty and integrity are personal virtues. To be a national leader in the public sector requires more. That is the gap that President Ma must fill. This involves three keys. One. The desire to lead must be transformed into concrete action. One cannot simply make ringing declarations and leave it at that. Ma Ying-jeou's political training has led to an over-reliance on political declarations, accompanied by a lack of actual follow-through. He must not muddle through a second four-year term. Otherwise he will accomplish nothing. Two. Ma must have a sense of urgency. Taiwan has been immoblized by internal bickering for years. Stronger leadership is required to lead the country out of its morass. President Ma must pick up the pace. He must break the deadlock. Otherwise, society will remain paralyzed by feelings of impotence, and the national nightmare will never end. Three. Ma must be willing to share power and delegate authority. A nation's development must not depend upon a single head of state. He must transcend partisanship and make the best use of human talent. If Ma continues to rely on his tiny circle of decision-makers things are unlikely to take a turn for the better.
President Ma is too much of a conformist. This cannot be denied. It has hampered his efforts at reform. It has made it hard to implement groundbreaking policies. Even more regrettable are Lin Yi-shi's corruption scandals. These have undermined the Ma administration's image. They have shown President Ma to be a poor judge of character. This is a crisis of governance, both for Ma's party and for the Ma administration. If the Ma administration merely parrots its anti-corruption declaration, or passively waits for the Special Investigation Unit to announce its findings, it cannot mollify public anger and disappointment. The Lin corruption scandal was a slap in Ma's face. President Ma must act to restore his reputation. Otherwise he can forget about any historical legacy.
馬總統的宣示不足回應社會期待
【聯合報╱社論】
2012.07.06
受林益世貪瀆案影響,馬總統原已捉襟見肘的聲望再受重挫,民意支持度已降至一成五之新低。儘管特偵組偵辦行動連日皆有斬獲,但馬政府若要扭轉頹勢,勢必拿出更具說服力的實際行動,才能重新凝聚民心、振作國家士氣。
林益世以行政院祕書長之高位涉貪,旋即遭到羈押,顯示司法之獨立性已日漸建立。但從政治面看,馬英九過去對林益世的不次拔擢,助長其驕恣氣焰,實難脫「識人不明」及「易受欺矇」之譏,這恐非一句「一切交給司法」即可交代。亦即,此案表面上是林益世個人操守問題,但在馬政府施政連連失利之際,這對執政團隊的領導威望及人民望治心切之情都是雪上加霜,這才應是主政者面對此一危機的著眼點。
然而,從馬總統連日對內對外的因應,人們卻看不到他展現雄心、力挽狂瀾的方法。第一,他最初得悉雜誌將爆料弊案,僅要求林益世開記者會說明,顯得輕信而被動。第二,他其後連續公開道歉都顯得誠意不足,包括要求執政團隊「記取教訓」,語意失準,彷彿自己還可以置身事外。第三,他回應外界質疑始終缺乏力量,反覆宣示幾句「清廉執政」口號,至少暴露其心餘力絀。
尤其,在此危機四伏、國事如麻之際,馬總統照舊每天進行一些非關緊要的儀式性參訪行程,到處致詞演說,包括頒發中常委證書給從政同志。不把寶貴的時間用來思考國是,為治國大政沉澱心志,卻穿梭在細瑣的行程中虛耗時光,馬總統如何挽回他失去的民心?
這並不是說總統不該參加民間活動,而是必須權衡輕重緩急而有所選擇。如果國家政經大計正待全力衝刺整合,而領導人卻把時間和心思花在一些行禮如儀的事務上,每天發表一些無足輕重的演說,如何號召全民行動?
為什麼一個貪瀆跋扈的林益世,竟被當成政治金童重用?從上屆任期開始,輿論要求他擴大選才圈及決策圈的建言即不曾間斷,包括應多聽取資政、國策顧問乃至社會賢能之士的建言,但馬總統樂在小場合演說的習慣始終未改。請問馬總統:你上一次聽到諫言是什麼時候的事?你又記得誰的什麼忠告?
馬總統是個廉潔、正直的人,這點毋需懷疑。但無論如何,廉潔正直只是個人修養的範疇,這和在公領域成為一個好的國家領導人還有很大的距離,那正是馬總統必須設法填補的差距。其中有三個重要關鍵:一,是要將領導的心志具體化為「行動」,不能停格在「宣示」的層次。馬英九的從政訓練導致他過度倚賴宣示,行動力和執行力相對不足;這點,在第二個四年任期不能再含糊以對,否則將一事無成。二,要有時間的迫切感。台灣陷於內耗多年,必須要強而有魄力的領導,才能帶國家走出泥淖;馬總統必須加快腳步打破僵滯之局,否則社會一直被無力感糾纏,人民將噩夢不斷。三,要有分享及下放權力的氣度。國家發展不可能只靠元首一人,他必須超越黨派格局善用人才,若局限在小決策圈中反覆用同一套思維處事,將難有轉機。
不可諱言,馬總統過度循規蹈矩的作風,多少拘礙了他力圖改革的腳步,也因此不易推動開創性的決策。更遺憾的是,林益世的貪瀆弊案,不僅重創了馬團隊形象,也暴露了馬總統的昧於知人,這是他的黨、政雙危機。因此,馬政府若只是重申反貪宣示,或在那裡消極坐待特偵組的調查,皆不足以回應社會大眾的憤怒和失望。面對這樣的迎頭痛擊,馬總統若還不知道要拿出行動挽回聲望,那還能奢談歷史定位嗎?
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