The President and the Character Issue

The President and the Character Issue
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
January 31, 2008

Over the past few days, DPP presidential candidate Frank Hsieh, by playing his "green card," left the Ma Ying-jeou camp scrambling to play catch up. First denials. Then press conferences. First aides speak. Then text messages offer clarifications. In terms of election tactics, media spin control, and viewer perception, the Hsieh camp has certainly demonstrated its combat effectiveness. But after such attention-grabbing campaign ploys, we would like to ask a more profound question: What kind of president does the Republic of China need in the coming years? Voters need to first consider this issue. Only then can they arrive at a clear judgment concerning the green card controversy.

Citizens of the Republic of China need to ask what kind of leadership the nation needs. They need to make comparisons with past presidents. Peoples' expectations vary with their social context. If their lives are predictable and boring, they may long for something new. If their lives are in turmoil, they may long for a steady leader. As we look back at the pain inflicted upon the people over the past eight years, it is not hard to guess what the people on Taiwan hope for.

President Chen has been in office for eight years. No one on the island, no one on the other side of the Taiwan Strait, no one among our foreign allies trusts our national leader. To opposition leaders such as Lien Chan, Chen Shui-bian will pretend to listen attentively to suggestions on the issue of nuclear power generation, even as he is announcing the suspension of construction on the No. Four Nuclear Plant. To Beijing, he will announce his Five Noes Policy, then do a complete about face by proclaiming "One Nation, Each Side." To Washington, he will promise to maintain the status quo for the duration of his term, then abruptly declare that Taiwan must join the United Nations under the name of Taiwan. He will hammer away relentlessly at "nativism," integrity, and "love for Taiwan," all the while winking as his relatives and cronies engage in corruption, the abuse of power, and bullying behavior . It is said that "A man is only as good as his word." Because its leaders are capricious and untrustworthy, the DPP has nothing to show for its eight years in office. Take Taipei/Washington relations for example. The US once staunchly supported the DPP. Now Chen Shui-bian is no longer allowed to transit the continental United States. US officials of all ranks have been issuing stern warnings to the DPP. This is a sign of their intense frustration with a capricious president whose solemn assurances mean nothing.

In fact, citizens of the ROC feel the same way as the USA. Uncle Sammy is sick to death of the DPP manipulating cross-straits relations and so-called "ethnic divisions," more precisely "social tensions." Mainland China plays an increasingly important role on the world economic stage. Therefore a chill in cross-strait relations is tantamount to a freeze in Taiwan's economic environment. During the past eight years, most Taiwan businesses have taken this fact to heart and hope to see change. Citizens of the ROC understand that the key to improved cross-strait relations is mutual trust. Not insincere lip service. Not semantic games. Not sophistry. Not the belated invoking of "hard logic" as an excuse to break off talks. As long as leaders are content to play smarmy word games with "active management, effective opening," or "active opening, effective management," or "case by case, flexible management," then neither cross-strait relations nor Taiwan's economic situation can improve.

Only after understanding the public's expectations, can we comment on Ma Ying-jeou's green card controversy. We agree with Jason Hu. He did not believe it was necessary to dig up dirt on the candidates' past. Twenty years ago, Ma Ying-jeou held a green card. He wasn't a government official back then. His future was uncertain. He may have considered becoming a lawyer in the United States. Possession of a green card can hardly be considered an act of treason. In the 20 years since, every time Ma Ying-jeou entered the United States he applied for a visa. Substantively speaking the "green card" issue is a non-issue. Public criticism has concentrated on the Ma Ying-jeou camp's underestimation of its opponent and its inept handling of the matter. The public has not faulted Ma for having held a green card. By contrast, the media has been awed by the Hsieh camp's sophistication in setting its agendas, designing its pitfalls, and entrapping its opponent. But are such tactics conducive to Hsieh' election campaign? We really can't say.

When the Ma Ying-jeou camp was tripping over its own tongue trying to get its story straight, the public decided that Ma Ying-jeou's campaign committee was a bunch of klutzes, that the KMT's election moves were not terribly well coordinated. When Frank Hsieh used the green card issue on his opponent, the public agreed that the way his team waged his election campaign was indeed slick. It wasn't far from Su Tseng-chang's characterization of Frank Hsieh last year. Su called Hsieh "conniving." Following the Legislative Yuan debacle, Frank Hsieh promised to take the middle road, to compete against KMT presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou in a gentlemanly fashion. He promised not to persist in practices that made people disgusted with the DPP. But within two short weeks the Hsieh campaign was back to muck-raking and mud-slinging. We have no desire to pass judgment on the two camps' election strategies. We merely wish to remind citizens of the Republic of China not to allow the candidates to lead you around by the nose, by means of tactical ploys. Maintain a strategic vision. Think about what character traits a President of the Republic of China ought to have. Once you have thought this question through, the details are not that important.

Fifty years ago, both Ma and Hsieh were awarded Gold Stars for Good Behavior in kindergarten. Does anyone really care about such matters today?

重新思考總統應有的人格特質
中國時報
2008.01.31　

　最近數日，民進黨總統候選人謝長廷以一記簡單的「綠卡」招式，就弄得馬英九團隊手忙腳亂。先是否認、後是記者會；先由幕僚發言、再有簡訊澄清。就選戰戰術、新聞操作、閱聽觀感各方面而言，謝營都展現出其戰鬥力。但在精彩選戰操作之後，我們倒是很想問一個更深刻的問題：台灣接下來這幾年，需要一位什麼樣的總統？選民必須要先思考這個問題，才能對此次的綠卡風波做清楚的判斷。

　要問台灣人民需要什麼樣的國家領導，當然要與我們過去的總統對照比較。一般而言，人民的期待是有社會情境背景的。若是生活平順沉悶，也許就想要嘗鮮試猛；若是久經動盪，也許就期待踏實沉穩的領導人。回顧過去八年台灣政局烙印在民眾心靈上的痛楚，或許我們也就不難對當前的台灣人民期待，做一番解讀了。

　陳總統執政八年下來，不論是台灣政壇、對岸領導或國際盟邦，大概都對我們的國家領導人產生極大的不信任感。對國內的反對黨，阿扁可以一邊聽連戰核電建言、另一邊宣布核四停建。對於中國大陸，他則是先說四不一沒有，後主張一邊一國。對於美國，他宣稱任內不改變現狀，卻又要以台灣名義加入聯合國。對於人民，他一再強調本土、清廉、愛台、主體，卻縱容家人及親信貪腐、濫權、跋扈、撕裂。「人無信不立」；正由於領導人這樣的輕浮善變、輕諾寡信，所以民進黨執政八年幾乎是難以成事。以台美關係為例，美國人從對民進黨的極度支持，到不再讓阿扁過境美國本土、再到大小官員對台灣聲色俱厲地提出警告，正是反映出他們對一位善變寡信總統的不耐與厭煩。

　其實，美國人的感受多少也正是台灣人的感受。老美厭煩民進黨炒作兩岸關係，其實與台灣人民厭煩撩撥統獨、族群議題如出一轍。由於中國大陸在世界經濟舞台中扮演的角色日益重要，兩岸關係的冷凍幾乎就等同於台灣經濟大環境的冷凍。八年下來，大多數台灣企業對此都了然於心，也都希望看到改變。台灣人民也理解，兩岸關係的解凍，最重要的就是要建立彼此的互信，不要在言語上、文字上玩些小花樣、留些小步數，事後再以「嚴密的邏輯」拗掰。如果國家領導人只是在「積極管理、有效開放」或「積極開放、有效管理」或「個案審查、彈性管理」上耍些嘴皮，那麼兩岸關係與台灣經濟斷無改善之可能。

　明瞭前述的人民期待，我們就可以回過頭來評論馬英九這次綠卡的爭議。平心而論，我們很同意胡志強的主張，認為這次總統大選不需要對候選人「上古」時代雞毛蒜皮的往事扒糞。馬英九持有綠卡是廿幾年前的事；當年，他只是擔任中階公務人員，生涯規畫還不確定，也許考慮赴美擔任律師，持有一張綠卡恐怕稱不上大奸大惡。廿幾年間，馬英九如果每次赴美都申請簽證，實質上也就沒有「持綠卡」的疑慮。正因為如此，輿論對此次之風波，都是從團隊輕敵、處理不當的角度切入分析，而未予苛責。另一方面，媒體對於謝團隊切割問題、分段提問、設計陷阱、誘敵深入的戰術，都認為操作高明。但若是回過頭來問一問這樣的戰術是否有利於選情，恐怕就得打個問號了。

　當馬英九陣營左支右絀、三番兩次更正發言時，外界都認為馬團隊很愚拙、國民黨的競選招式很不靈活。當謝長廷以綠卡問題設局誘敵成功的時候，外界也都同意，他們打選戰確實是油滑機伶，離蘇貞昌去年批評的「奸巧」二字，只有一線之隔。在立委選後，謝長廷曾經承諾未來會展現中道，和國民黨總統參選人馬英九良性競爭，不會讓人民繼續厭惡民進黨。可是在短短兩周之後，謝團隊就再以戰術扒糞而揚威。我們無意對雙方選戰策略的應然面下斷語，只是要提醒台灣人民：不要太被候選人一時操作的戰術與策略牽著走，而是要從更宏觀的高度，來思考台灣總統所應該具備的人格特質。想清楚這個問題，其餘細節也就不重要了。

　閒話一句：五十多年前馬謝二人讀幼稚園時，各有領到幾張「乖寶寶」的貼紙，今天真的有人會在乎嗎?