Taiwan's Renaissance Depends on the Rebirth of the Republic of China

Taiwan's Renaissance Depends on the Rebirth of the Republic of China
United Daily News Editorial (Taipei, China)
A Translation
May 21, 2008

The title of Ma Ying-jeou's inaugural address is "Taiwan's Renaissance." But within the text you see only phrases such as "the Republic of China's Renaissance on Taiwan."

Democracy is blessing. Yesterday, The skies over Taiwan remained unchanged. Life on the island remained unchanged. Apart from a few sections of road in Taipei being closed to traffic for the duration of the inaugural ceremony, traffic remained unchanged. Inside the Presidential Palace however, Chen Shui-bian handed the Great Seal of the Republic of China, the symbol of our nation's sovereignty, over to Ma Ying-jeou. Within minutes, they completed a peaceful transfer of political power. At that moment the entire nation changed. The head of state changed. The nation's course changed. The nation's prospects changed. Everything changed. Democracy is a blessing, a strange and wondrous blessing.

In his inaugural address Ma Ying-jeou said Taiwan is the only region of the world ruled by ethnic Chinese that has undergone a "second change of ruling parties." What is particularly astonishing about this "second change of ruling parties" is that Chen Shui-bian, who asserted that the "Republic of China is dead," will be handing over the reins of the Republic of China government to Ma Ying-jeou, whom champions of Taiwan independence consider an "alien regime." This, in effect, is the "Renaissance of the Republic of China on Taiwan."

One could say that yesterday's democratic transfer of political power nullified Chen Shui-bian's imprecation that the "Republic of China is dead." The people of Taiwan used their ballots to rescue the Republic of China. This aspect of democracy, this "second change of ruling parties" is even more astonishing, and has left people incredulous.

The principle theme of President Ma's inaugural address was the rehabilitation of the Republic of China. First he told his domestic audience "the Republic of China has gained a new lease on life on Taiwan" and that he intends to restore public identification with the Republic of China. Second, he told listeners on both sides of the Taiwan Strait the vital role of the 1992 Consensus and One China, Different Interpretations. He proposed maintaining the status quo in the Taiwan Strait, under the framework of the Republic of China Constitution.

This is how President Ma is positioning himself relative to his two major internal and external problems. With regards Taiwan, to borrow Frank Hsieh's phrase, he seeks "Reconciliation and Coexistence," to establish a consensus concerning the Republic of China. With regards cross-strait relations, he seeks Beijing's respect for the Republic of China's status quo, and "peace and mutual prosperity." These problems have vital internal and external implications. If Beijing allows the Republic of China greater breathing room, the public on Taiwan will identify more closely with the Republic of China. If on the other hand, pro independence sentiment on Taiwan increases, Beijing will surely reduce Taiwan's room to maneuver.

Let's take a closer look at his inaugural address, which he entitled "Taiwan's Renaissance." The only place where the word "renaissance" appears is "the Republic of China has received a new lease on life on Taiwan." President Ma pointed out that during his term of office the Republic of China will celebrate its centennial. He underscored the fact that the Republic of China ruled the mainland region for only 38 years, but the Taiwan region for over 60 years. He underscored the fact that "the fate of the Republic of China is now inextricably intertwined with the fate of Taiwan." In fact, the notion that "the Republic of China has received a new lease on life on Taiwan" is inextricably intertwined with the notion of a "second change of ruling parties." After all, If President Ma cannot persuade the public on Taiwan to identify with "the Republic of China's renaissance," how can he talk of "One China, Different Interpretations?"

In his speech President Ma referred to his own status as a "post war immigrant." He said Taiwan was his home, and that his loved ones were buried here. He said he was grateful to Taiwan society for accepting, cultivating, and embracing this "post war immigrant." His words may have reflected Ma Ying-jeou's deeply ingrained sense of Original Sin. His words may have paid obeisance to "earlier immigrants'" sense of entitlement. They did demonstrate that Ma Ying-jeou lacks confidence in his own appeals for "Reconciliation and Coexistence." This may be a tough nut for Ma Ying-jeou to crack.

As expected, President Ma's cross-strait relations will be built on the 1992 Consensus and One China, Different Interpretations. He called for "no unification, no independence, and no war." In his speech, President Ma specifically mentioned "Mr. Hu Jintao's last three most recent remarks on cross-strait relations," He endorsed Hu Jintao's 1992 Consensus and his Four Constants, i.e., building of mutual trust, shelving of disputes, seeking of commonalities, and creation of win/win. Usually inaugural addresses mention only abstract principles. For Ma Ying-jeou to specifically address and dialogue with Hu Jintao in his inaugural address is rather extraordinary. This is because even though the 1992 Consensus has now become the new point of reference for cross-strait interaction, it still takes two to Tango. This is not a solo performance for either side. If Ma and Hu truly believe this is a rare, historic opportunity, they must work together and on the basis of the 1992 Consensus gradually improve cross-strait relations. In which case Beijing will not perceive the 1992 Consensus as a means of indefinitely postponing cross-strait talks, and will be more inclined to allow Taiwan more international space.

President Ma said that the President of the Republic of China's most sacred duty is to defend the Constitution. This is the President of the Republic of China's greatest challenge. On Taiwan, defending the Constitution means two things. One is maintaining public identification with the Republic of China. The other is complying with provisions of the Republic of China Constitution regarding one's powers and responsibilities. Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian failed because they had no desire or intention to defend the Republic of China and its Constitution. That is why they promoted their "Two States Theory," their "Rectification of Names" campaigns, and their "Authoring of a New Constitution" campaigns. They were unable to defend the ROC Constitution because Beijing knew Lee and Chen were merely using the ROC Constitution as cover while they promoted "creeping independence." Ma Ying-jeou by contrast, is someone willing to defend the ROC Constitution. If Ma Ying-jeou is unable to defend the ROC Constitution, then nobody can defend it. Then nobody will be willing to defend it. Then nobody will dare to defend it. Beijing cannot treat the Republic of China the same way it treated Taiwan independence. Beijing cannot treat Ma Ying-jeou the same way it treated Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian.

President Ma Ying-jeou and Chairman Hu Jintao have an historic opportunity to break the current cross-strait deadlock. Both are aware that the recent presidential election rescued the Republic of China from Chen Shui-bian's imprecation that the "Republic of China is dead." Therefore Ma Ying-jeou must midwife the rebirth of the Republic of China. Hu Jintao must respect the 1992 Consensus and One China, Different Interpretations premise. Only this will enable ROC voters on Taiwan to support and identify politically with the Republic of China and with ROC cross-strait policy. If the Republic of China can not be kept alive, it will be difficult to maintain cross-strait relations. The two sides need such an understanding. Ma Ying-jeou's speech concluded with two rallying cries: Long live Taiwan's democracy! Long live the Republic of China! Normal relations across the Taiwan Strait must be built on Taiwan's democracy and the Republic of China. If the Republic of China loses the support of Taiwan's democracy, cross-strait relations are bound to degenerate. This is Ma Ying-jeou's problem. It is something Hu surely can appreciate.

Taiwan's Renaissance depends on the rebirth of the Republic of China. The rebirth of cross-strait relations depends on Beijing's understanding and implementation of the 1992 Consensus and One China, Different Interpretations.

台灣的新生建立在中華民國的新生之上
【聯合報╱社論】
2008.05.21 02:12 am

馬英九總統就職演說的標題有「台灣新生」四字，但文中僅見「中華民國在台灣的新生」等語。

民主是美妙的恩典。昨天，台灣天空的太陽沒有變，整個島上的生活運作，除了台北市幾條路段因慶典而短暫交通管制外，一切也都沒有變；然而，在象徵國家主權的總統府內，陳水扁把中華民國國璽移交給馬英九，在幾分鐘內就完成了「政權和平轉移」的程序，整個國家卻立即從元首到路線、到憧憬皆全盤改變。民主真是何其美妙！民主又是何等恩典！

新總統馬英九的就職演說指出：台灣是全球華人文化土壤中，唯一完成「二次政黨輪替」的範例。尤其令人震撼的是：這場「二次政黨輪替」，是由宣布「中華民國已死」的陳水扁，將中華民國政權交給原被他指為「外來政權」的馬英九手中。這正是「中華民國在台灣的新生」。

可以這麼說，昨天這場政權交替的最核心意義是：台灣的民主政治使得陳水扁「中華民國已死」的詛咒未能應驗，最後是由台灣人民在投票箱前救回了中華民國。就這一層意義而言，更使人驚嘆民主政治的神奇，也更使人為這場「二次政黨輪替」感到震懾。

其實，馬總統的就職演說，也是以重建中華民國的角色為主軸：一、對台灣內部，他說「中華民國在台灣得到了新生」，因此，致力於修補重建國家認同；二、對海峽兩岸，他則楬櫫「九二共識／一中各表」，主張「在中華民國憲法架構下，維持台灣海峽的現狀」。

誠然，這也正是馬總統在國家定位工程上，對內與對外的兩大難題：對台灣內部，必須「和解共生」（他借用了謝長廷的佳句），以建立「中華民國」的認同與共識；對海峽兩岸，則必須爭取北京政權正視並尊重「中華民國的現狀」，以求「和平共榮」。其實，在此一議題上，對內對外存在著生剋關係；北京若給中華民國空間，台灣內部的中華民國認同即可望升高；反之，台灣內部倘若台獨高張，北京恐怕就會更加緊縮台灣的空間。

進一步解讀「對內」部分。就職演說的標題是「台灣新生」，但文中唯一出現「新生」二字之處，則是「中華民國在台灣得到了新生」。馬總統指出，他任內將慶祝中華民國一百周年國慶；又稱中華民國在大陸僅三十八年，在台灣則將逾一甲子；並稱「中華民國與台灣的命運已經緊緊結合在一起」。這些論述，其實皆在建構「中華民國在台灣的新生」，也是這場「二次政黨輪替」最重大的意義所在。畢竟，倘若馬總統不能對內在國家認同上創造「中華民國的新生」，對外亦將失去「一中各表」的憑藉。

可附一筆的是：馬總統在演講中，標示出自己的「戰後新移民」的角色。他說：台灣是我的故鄉（應是「家鄉」之誤，身處異鄉時始稱「故鄉」），是我親人埋骨之處；台灣社會對他這個「戰後新移民」的「包容之義／栽培之恩／擁抱之情」令他感念。這些話充分反映了馬英九的「原罪感」，或許滿足了「老移民」的優越感，卻顯示馬英九對「和解共生」並無足夠的信心；這也可見馬英九處境艱難之一斑。

再談「對外」部分。一如預料，馬總統將兩岸關係建立在「一中各表／九二共識」之上，並主張「不統／不獨／不武」。馬總統在演說中且特別提到「胡錦濤先生最近三次有關兩岸關係的談話」，並表示贊同胡錦濤「九二共識」、「四個繼續」、「建立互信／擱置爭議／求同存異／共創雙贏」等幾項觀點。通常，就職演說往往只在標舉抽象原則，如今像馬英九這般以就職演說指名與胡錦濤對話，應是很不尋常的作法；這是因為，即使「九二共識」已成兩岸互動的新準據，但這畢竟仍是「兩人探戈」，不是任何單方面能唱得成的獨腳戲。倘若馬胡二位兩岸領導人，果真認為此時此際正是兩岸之間難得的「歷史機遇」，即應共同努力在「九二共識的基礎上」漸次「發展」兩岸關係，那麼北京方面就不宜將「九二共識」視為使兩岸關係「停格」的工具，而應在「開放國際空間」等方面對台灣有所回應。

馬總統說：中華民國總統最神聖的職責就是守護憲法；但這正是最近幾任中華民國總統的最大難題。在台灣，守護憲法有兩層意義，一是守護中華民國的國家認同，一是遵守憲政的權責規範。李登輝與陳水扁的失敗，一方面是因不想守護及不願守護，於是搞「兩國論」、「正名制憲」或「台獨建國」；另一方面其實亦因北京的因素而使他們二人守護不住中華民國憲法。如今，馬英九相對而言應是一個願意守護中華民國憲法者，倘若北京方面仍使馬英九也「守護不住」，那麼恐怕也就無人能守，亦無人願守、無人敢守了。北京不能將「中華民國」與「台獨」一般對待，也不可將馬英九與李登輝、陳水扁一般對待！

馬英九總統及胡錦濤主席，皆用「歷史機遇」一詞來形容兩岸現今所處時空情境，二人皆應心知肚明的是：如前所述，這次總統大選不啻是台灣選民從詛咒「中華民國已死」的陳水扁手中，將中華民國搶救了回來；因而，未來馬英九必須能夠創造「中華民國的新生」，胡錦濤應當尊重「九二共識／一中各表」，才能使站在投票箱前的台灣選民願意支持中華民國的政治認同與兩岸政策。倘若「中華民國」不能維持，兩岸關係就難以維繫。兩岸當局若能有此認知，即知馬英九昨日演說結尾的兩句口號也許有相互呼應的關係，他說：台灣民主萬歲！中華民國萬歲！其實，海峽兩岸的正常關係，正是必須建立在「台灣民主」與「中華民國」的正常關係之上；當「中華民國」失去「台灣民主」的支撐，兩岸關係也必定變質。這是馬英九的難題，也是胡錦濤應有的領悟。

台灣的新生，建立在中華民國的新生之上；兩岸關係的新生，則建立在北京政府對「九二共識／一中各表」的真正理解與實踐之上。