ROC Diplomacy: A Modus Vivendi

ROC Diplomacy: A Modus Vivendi
When an editorial in the
China Times editorial
A Translation
August 13, 2008

Yesterday President Ma Ying-jeou led a delegation to Central and South America, making his first state visit since becoming president. He also took concrete steps to implement his diplomatic "modus vivendi." We hope he has a successful trip, and will create more diplomatic space for the Republic of China.

President Ma was invited to the inauguration ceremony for the new President of Paraguay. He took the opportunity to visit the Dominican Republic along the way. He transited the United States and Panama. In sharp contrast with his predecessor, his trip was a simple matter. By comparison, his staff was minimal, and his itinerary uncomplicated. Past state visits were burdened with all sorts of ulterior motives. Often the transit through the US was more important than the destination in Latin American. This undermined the primary task of diplomacy, and harmed the national interest.

President Ma is determined not make the same mistake, and is attempting to mend fences. His trip will be purely diplomatic in nature. His most important task is to strengthen diplomatic ties. He is not using his transit through the United States as a photo op for personal aggrandizement. He is not using the cities he transits, the duration of his transit, or the level of diplomatic protocol he is accorded to score points in Washington. He is not politicizing his transit through the US with a great deal of fanfare. Everything has been kept minimal, including the psychological burden on Taipei and Washington. In the past, the more the two sides engaged in horse-trading, the more relations degenerated, and the more feelings were hurt. We have finally liberated ourselves from that nightmare.

Before departure President Ma said his diplomatic modus vivendi protects the rights and interests of the Republic of China. It firms up diplomatic relations with our allies. It restores mutual trust among nations with which we lack relations. It restores the international community's confidence in the Republic of China -- a confidence which has been lacking for the past eight years. Basically Ma's diplomatic modus vivendi and cross-strait reconciliation are two sides of the same coin. They are efforts to allow the two sides to move away from a zero sum game of lethal warfare, and to move towards peaceful coexistence, mutual understanding, and mutual respect.

So far Beijing has responded favorably to President Ma's initiative. It has refrained from approaching diplomatic allies who threatened to switch sides. Beijing appears to understand that to a "take no prisoners" approach to the ROC's International space might well lead to a Pyrrhic victory. The price paid would be high, and would not necessarily be conducive to the eventual goal of reunification.

Of course a diplomatic modus vivendi cannot rely entirely upon our opponent's charity. For one, goodwill may be fleeting. For another, if one lacks sufficient strength, one will lack the courage to face future changes, and make future decisions. The ROC cannot put its fate entirely in the hands of others, especially a hostile opponent. Many people think that relaxed cross-strait relations have resolved our diplomatic predicament. Such thinking is much too naive. Cross-Strait relations and the ROC's diplomatic situation are of course closely related. But the ROC has no bargaining chips. How can it afford to make concessions?

Therefore any diplomatic modus vivendi must look not only to Beijing. It must look also to the world. Mainland China has enjoyed a rapid rise in both political and economic status. The ROC can no longer retain its allies merely by throwing money around. But the ROC need not succumb to pessimism and despair. We must change with the times. We must recognize and reaffirm our own value.

To the international community, the ROC has science and technology, economic success, and a strategic location. It also has something often neglected, but of profound importance to civilization. Among ethnic Chinese societies, the ROC enjoys the most freedom and democracy. It is the most lively and diverse, the most inclusive and open. It has successfully integrated the best of both east and west into something culturally unique. Most countries are not interested in participating in United Nations activities. But wherever the Cloud Gate Dance Theater goes, its performances always cause a sensation. Culture is one of the ROC's most precious assets. Unfortunately it has not been given adequate attention or support. If we wish to gain greater international recognition for our diplomatic modus vivendi, we must encourage cultural development, participate in international cultural activities, and invest greater resources and energy.

Traditional concepts of international law and the existing geopolitical situation are obviously hostile to the ROC's continued existence. The international community has little incentive to reconsider the ROC's participation in international activities. If Taipei continues to butt heads with Beijing within this legal framework, it will seriously deplete the nation's strength, while reaping little in return. A better strategy would be to achieve some sort of reconciliation with Beijing, and at the same time enhancing relations with other nations, increasing interaction with the international community.

For the past few years, discussions about ROC membership in international organizations have focused almost entirely on the United Nations and the World Health Organization. Every year we squander vast resources attempting to break down the doors to the United Nations. But waving flags and shouting slogans outside the WHO gets us only domestic news coverage. In fact, the international community is large and diverse. The ROC can contribute to many NGOs free of political coloration. We need not take on the most difficult challenges first. Besides increasing exchanges with the international community, the ROC must also create an environment friendlier to foreigners. Existing laws and regulations must be relaxed. Our foreign language ability must be strengthened. Making the younger generation internationally competitive is an even higher priority.

The ROC can break out of its isolation only from the bottom up. First people. Then officials. On this will provide us with a diplomatic modus vivendi. We hope President Ma's modus vivendi will demonstrate more dynamism and substance.

中時電子報
中國時報 　2008.08.13
替台灣外交多找幾條活路
中時社論

馬英九總統昨天率團前往中南美洲，進行他就任總統以來首次的元首出訪，同時也以具體行動，宣示「活路外交」的理念。我們期待他此行圓滿成功，為台灣的外交開發出更多的活路。

馬總統這次應邀出席巴拉圭新任總統就職典禮，順道訪問多明尼加，並過境美國與巴拿馬。和前任總統相比，單純、自然是此行最大的變化，人員與行程都相對精簡。過去元首出訪，附掛許多不相干的目的，往往配菜變主角，甚至拖垮了外交工作的本體，傷害國家利益。

馬總統決心不再重蹈覆轍，並且努力修補昔日的過錯。將出訪回歸單純的外交功能，以鞏固邦交為最重要的任務，不藉過境美國大搞個人造勢，不在過境地點、天數 或禮遇上向美國討恩惠，也不再將過境大張旗鼓政治化。既然一切趨於單純，台美的協商事項和心理負擔都減少許多，雙方終於能從過去「喬」來「喬」去，「喬」 到待遇愈來愈差、情緒愈來愈糟的噩夢中脫身。

行前馬總統表示，「活路外交」是要維護中華民國權益、鞏固邦交、恢復與無邦交國家間的高層互信，逐漸回轉八年來外界對台灣的不信任。整體基調上，「活路外交」與「兩岸和解」是一體兩面，都是力圖讓兩岸從零和式的殊死戰走向和平共存、彼此體諒、相互尊重。

初步看來，中共對馬總統已有善意回應，幾個曾經揚言要倒向中共的邦交國，最近都沒得到中共的搭理。看來中共多少也理解到，在國際空間對台灣趕盡殺絕的策略，宛如一刀兩刃，即使勝利，也會付出極深刻的代價，不見得有利於自己想要達成的統一目標。

然而，活路不能光依靠對手的施捨，不只是因為善意可能轉瞬即逝，也因為如果本身沒有足夠的實力，將不會有足夠的膽識來面對未來任何變局，乃至作出任何決 定。台灣不可能將命運毫無保留地交在別人手上，何況還是一個長期敵對的對手。很多人以為兩岸關係和緩就能解決外交困境，這實在太過天真了。固然，兩岸關係 與台灣的外交處境息息相關，但沒有任何籌碼的台灣，又有什麼條件交換到足夠的讓步與善意？

因此，「活路外交」應該不只是向中國大陸找活路，更要向全世界找活路。雖然中國近年來迅速崛起，政經地位日益重要，台灣的外交不能再光靠撒錢來護盤，但台灣也不必因此妄自菲薄或悲觀氣餒，我們必須在新時代中，認識自己的價值，並且加強發揮。

對國際社會來說，台灣除了在科技、經濟成就、戰略地位外，還有一項被忽略、但很深刻也很重要的價值〡〡文明。在華人社會裡，台灣是迄今最民主自由、最活潑 多元、最包容開放、最能融合東西自成人文特色的一塊土地。談參與聯合國，各國多半興味索然，但雲門舞集不管到哪裡演出，都會造成轟動。文化是台灣最珍貴的 價值，可惜一直未受到足夠重視與支持，「活路外交」如果想為台灣爭取更多國際認同，就應該對鼓勵文化發展、協助參與國際文化活動，投注更多資源與心力。

很明顯地，傳統的國際法理念與現行國際政治運作，對台灣的存在是不友善的，目前也缺乏為台灣重新思考參與模式的誘因。台灣如果一直在這個法律架構裡和中共 硬碰硬，會嚴重耗損國力，收穫也相對有限。比較好的策略，是在法律架構裡和中共維持某種和解，同時豐富對外關係的內涵，綿密累積與國際社會的互動。

在參與國際組織活動上，過去幾年焦點幾乎全放在聯合國和世衛組織上，我們每年為衝撞不可能打開的聯合國大門而花費大量資源，在世界衛生組織大會外搖旗吶喊 也只能搏自家版面，其實國際社會很大、很多元，許多不具政治色彩的ＮＧＯ中有很多活動，台灣可以作出貢獻的，不必先挑最難的叩關。此外，要加強與國際社會 的交流，台灣也必須營造一個對外國人更友善的環境，現行許多法規都必須大幅鬆綁。而加強外語能力，培養年輕世代的國際競爭力，更是當務之急。

台灣要突破孤立困境，必須從下而上、從民到官，這樣才能為外交找到源源不絕的活路。寄望馬總統的「活路外交」，更展現出更多的活力與內涵。