Ma's First Year: Fortunately He Still Has a Chance to Redeem Himself

Ma's First Year: Fortunately He Still Has a Chance to Redeem Himself
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
September 7, 2008

President Ma should be grateful. A crisis of governance has exploded during his first 100 days. He still has three years and 200 days to make corrections. If the tidal wave of criticism were to arrive near the end of his fourth year, no one would listen to his repeated apologies. He should appreciate his good fortune. He should hasten to put aside his self-righteousness and arrogance, and bone up on how to be a wise and effective president. He still has time. But he must not waste it currying favour and arranging photo ops.

In retrospect, President Ma's plight may be the direct result of his career path. It has simply been too smooth, too easy. Apart from being indicted over the Administrative Heads Discretionary Fund Case, he has never experienced a major setback in his entire political career. He never experienced the pain Chiang Ching-kuo suffered during his exile in the Soviet Union. He never experienced the nail-biting anxiety Lee Teng-hui must have gone through. He never experienced the repeated election setbacks as Chen Shui-bian. He was quite young when he gained favor with Chiang Ching-kuo. He had little administrative experience at the bureau or department level. Despite his lack of experience, he was made KMT Deputy Secretary-General. During the intense struggles between the mainstream and non-mainstream factions, he deftly kept his head down. He was subsequently drafted by popular acclaim to run for Taipei Mayor. Ma Ying-jeou has never developed any irreconcilable enmities within the Blue Camp. Nor can he find any opponents who are his match in the Green Camp. Only when this darling of the masses ascended to the highest office were his character defects and personal limitations exposed, one after another.

No one will deny that President Ma is a man of moderate character, who seldom speaks ill of others, and who is uncorrupt. That much we know. He is not a president likely to embezzle money and transfer it overseas. He is not a president likely to engage in empty boasting on pirate radio stations after he commits a crime. He does not have a First Lady who lusts after power and money. That said, a good president must be more than just a good person. We cannot simply turn the affairs of the nation over to a person merely because he is good.

Throughout history, far too many good people have risen to high office, only to fall on their faces, and be forced to step down in disgrace. They successfully resisted any temptation to incite social divisions. They successfully resisted any temptation to embezzle public funds. They worked hard. Nevertheless they left behind a sorry record. President Lyndon Johnson's cabinet members were elite graduates of Ivy League schools such as Harvard and Princeton. These elites provided him with the wrong advice from beginning to end. He overcame all sorts of obstacles to pass his Civil Rights Act. Yet the loudest protests came from the civil rights movement. Just before he stepped down he asked: "Why don't they like me?"

President Carter also had a clean image. He was determined to realize his ideals. He spent a great deal of time trying to please the public and the media. He attached great importance to his public speeches. Who knew the Iran hostage crisis would reveal his character weaknesses and expose his leadership defects? In the end, he would step down in disgrace as his poll numbers plummeted. No one will deny that he was a man of integrity. But he is among the lowest-ranked presidents in the history of the United States in terms of political achievement.

By contrast, during the 1980s and 1990s, President Reagan and President Clinton, who each served eight years, underwent rough periods early in their terms. During Reagan's first year in office, Congress vetoed a stack of his bills. His approval ratings reached a new low for post-war presidents. Shortly after Clinton took office, he attempted to push through his health care program. He suffered humiliating a defeat in Congress. He also found himself mired in the Donorgate and Whitewater scandals. Frankly these two presidents' situation after their first 100 days, was worse than President Ma's. But Reagan and Clinton created economic prosperity. Clinton was a particularly dramatic example. He was dogged by scandal during his seventh year in office. He was under a continual media barrage for eight straight months. The two houses of Congress were already sharpening their knives. No political commentator believed he would survive. But at the critical moment, the public surprised everyone. He somehow managed to ride out the storm. The reason is no secret. Clinton's economic record was brilliant. The people didn't want him to step down.

Whom among those in high office does not want to be loved by the people? Who does not want to be proud of his political achievements? Who does not want a place in history? But as the famed German sociologist Max Weber put it, politics is a calling. Ruling a nation is hardly as easy as Ma Ying-jeou imagines. A few more photo ops of you jogging and selling moon cakes are hardly going to convince people you are doing your duty as president. The people have limited patience for a president who constantly makes apologies. President Ma must not waste any more time with public relations, in an attempt to repair his image. He and his team must engage in a little more self-introspection. What President Ma needs is a little less show, and a little more go.

Fortunately this is his first year. He can still save the day. Eventually however, he will run out of chances. We can't believe that years from now President Ma will want people to remember him and reluctantly sigh, saying that "He was a good man, but a stupid president."

還好是第一年，還有機會挽回
2008-09-07
中國時報

其實，馬總統真的該慶幸，他的治理危機在執政百日就全面引爆，還剩三年兩百多天可以去調整、去扭轉；如果眼前這些排山倒海的抨擊聲浪，是發生在他就任第四年的末期，屆時就算他再三道歉，怕也沒人想理會了。若能體會到這層幸運，就趕緊收起所有的自以為是，放下所有的傲慢自負，趕快補修領導學分，學習做個有智慧、有魄力的總統，別再將寶貴的時光耗費在討好、做秀的虛功上，時間上還來得及！

現在回頭想想，馬總統今天的處境，或許就是肇因於他在邁向權力高峰的道途，實在走得太平順；除了首長特別費被起訴，他從政生涯幾乎沒摔過什麼大跤。他不曾經歷蔣經國流放蘇聯的痛苦；他不曾像李登輝一樣經歷過驚心動魄的流派傾軋；他甚至不曾經歷如陳水扁數度在選戰中挫敗的傷痛。他受到蔣經國賞識時還非常年輕，沒啥黨務經驗就幹了黨副祕書長；部會行政經歷也不長；在主流、非主流慘烈鬥爭的年代，他巧妙地置身事外；隨後，更是眾望所歸之下被拱出來選台北市長。這一路走來，馬英九在藍營找不到勢不兩立的政敵，在綠營也找不到勢均力敵的對手；直到他「集三千寵愛於一身」登上了大位，他的性格缺失，他的侷限性，才一樁樁暴露出來。

沒人會否認馬總統性格溫和，不出惡言，操守也清廉。我們最起碼有信心，他不會是一個膽敢Ａ錢到海外的總統；他也不會是做錯了事還跑到地下電台去「大言不慚」的總統；他更沒有一個既抓權又愛錢的第一夫人。但一個好總統絕不是「找好人來做」就夠了，我們不可能將國政大事交給「好人好事」代表吧？

歷史上，有太多的好人登上高位，最後都摔得鼻青臉腫，難堪狼狽地下台；他們有許多在任內不搞政治對立，不Ａ公款，兢兢業業做事，但照樣在歷史留下難看的紀錄。美國詹森總統的內閣團隊，全是出身哈佛、普林斯頓等長春藤名校的精英，這批頂尖的團隊卻一路獻給他錯誤的決策。他排除萬難地要推動代表族群和解的民權法案，而在街頭對他咆哮最厲的就是民權運動者，他甚至到下台前一刻都在追問：「他們為什麼不喜歡我？」

同樣的，卡特總統形象清新，對許多價值理念相當堅持。他花了不少時間討好民意與媒體，更重視每一篇對公眾的演講；沒想到一樁伊朗人質危機，一次將他的性格弱點、領導缺失全暴露了出來；最後，在聲望跌停中，難堪下台。沒人否認他是個操守無瑕的好人，但他到現在都是美國史上政績排名殿後的總統。

相對的，一九八○年代與一九九○年代，分別做八年總統的雷根與柯林頓，就任初期其實都一樣跌跌撞撞；雷根上任的第一年，一堆法案被國會封殺，曾締造戰後歷任總統聲望的新低；柯林頓就任初期力推醫療健保方案，不僅在國會潰敗地灰頭土臉，他還身陷獻金案與白水案醜聞。這兩位總統在就任百日時的處境，老實說比此刻的馬總統還壞。結果呢，雷根與柯林頓都分別在任內締造了繁榮盛世。柯林頓尤其戲劇性，他任內第七年身陷性醜聞疑雲，被媒體整整撻伐、調侃了七、八個月，國會兩院已經掄起彈劾的大刀，沒有政治評論家認為他會度過此政治風暴，沒想到民意卻在此關鍵時刻逆勢相挺，硬是讓他度過難關；這其中其實沒啥秘密，就是柯林頓任內拚經濟的成績單亮麗，讓人民不要他下台！

歷來晉升大位者，有誰不想受到民眾愛戴？有誰不想政績傲人、青史留名？但就像德國社會學大師所謂：政治是樁志業哪！治國哪有這麼簡單？多跑幾次慢跑，多賣幾盒月餅，並不會讓人民覺得你是在善盡總統職責。要知道，人民面對一位不斷抱歉的總統，忍耐是有限的。馬總統別再虛擲光陰於修補形象的危機公關，趕緊審視自己的問題、自己的團隊，少些虛功，多些治理吧！

真的，還好是第一年，還有許多機會可以挽回，但機會終究是稍縱即逝！相信馬總統絕不希望多年以後，人們憶起他時，只會嘆息地說：他確是好人，但卻是個笨總統！