Don't Make Us Sigh and Shake Our Heads Again

Don't Make Us Sigh and Shake Our Heads Again
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 27, 2009

As expected, there were no surprises. Yesterday Ma Ying-jeou received 94% of the vote, and was elected Chairman of the KMT. This was quite different from eight years ago, during Lien Chan's tragi-heroic campaign for the party chairmanship. Back then the KMT was forced to hand over power because it had just lost the presidential election. This was quite different from four years ago, when Ma found himself in fierce competition with Legislative Speaker Wang Jin-pyng. Ma Ying-jeou was the beneficiary of expectations the public had regarding KMT generational change and KMT internal reforms. This was quite different from two years ago, when Wu Poh-hsiung assumed the party chairmanship following an emergency by-election. The entire party was united. It wanted Ma Ying-jeou to safely weather the Discretionary Fund crisis, and win back political power. This time Ma was Head of State. He respectfully touched all the bases, soliciting everyones' support. With the exception of candidates for party representative, party insiders were lukewarm about the election. The general public was unconcerned as well.
The KMT has been back in power for one year. As president and party chairman, Ma Ying-jeou must be aware of changes in public sentiment. Public silence reflects public disappointment in the KMT. This disappointment is not the result of how the party or government is administered. It is the result of Ma Ying-jeou's manner of decision-making.

During Ma Ying-jeou's campaign for the party chairmanship the Department of Defense published a report, complete with numbers and the results of investigations into corruption. How did Ma Ying-jeou respond? He gave orders to continue checking, to continue checking on a regular basis. Death threats were sent and received within the Bureau of Armament and Acquisition (OLBAA). Infighting broke out within the Bureau of Military Intelligence. Security breaches were discovered within the Presidential Palace. How did Ma Ying-jeou respond? He said he would need a full month before proposing a solution. Fortunately the Legislative Yuan had already adjourned. But before it went into recess, the Legislative Yuan gave the "Civil Service Administrative Neutrality Act," a Third Reading, and applied the law even to academic research institutions. The Academia Sinica reacted with fury. The Examination Yuan could only apologize to the Academia Sinica. It lacked the courage to urge that the bill be amended. This bill was sponsored by the Executive Yuan, yet it behaved as if it had nothing to do with it. The KMT has the most seats in the national legislature. Yet it displayed no concern for the scholars' problem. Instead, it castigated Academia Sinica Chief Ong Chi-hiu. President Ma Ying-jeou should have attempted to make peace. Instead he said nothing. He may not even be aware of the bill. He may not have even seen it, even though it bears the seal of the Office of the President.

Just what has Ma Ying-jeou been doing all this time? He has been running around peddling his platform for party chairmanship. While Ma was in Hualien, a village leader attempted to present him with a petition. He was stopped by Ma's bodyguards. Since when did it become taboo for even party members to petition their own party chairman? Ma has been diligently filming "Governing the Nation: A Weekly Journal." Netizens have revealed that it was shot in advance. But that is hardly its biggest problem. The biggest problem is that after watching Ma Ying-jeou in his weekly chronicle, one cannot find any suggestion of how he intends to govern the nation. One cannot find any record of his political acomplishments. What problems has the President taken on and solved? What problems has the President singled out for emergency resolution? What problems does the President consider urgent? The answer is none. All we see is Ma Ying-jeou sharing his personal feelings. Ma's feelings about the Kaohsiung World Games, Ma's feelings about university students' choice of universities and choice of majors are all matters the President has a right to talk about. But do these matters really represent the President's strategy for governing the nation?

The shine is off Ma Ying-jeou's reforms. They are nowhere as resonant or moving as they once were. Many people no longer want to hear about them. Many people may listen politely to Ma Ying-jeou sharing his feelings. But after listening they merely sigh and tell themselves not to expect too much. Ma Ying-jeou wants to remain a Teflon president. That means he has no intention of doing too much. When members of the public sigh and express disappointment with Ma, they do so for good reason. For example, Ma Ying-jeou invited leaders of social movements to the Presidential Palace to discuss the Parade and Assembly Law. The result was a bill that ran counter to the wishes of the social movement leaders. The law has yet to be given its Third Reading in the Legislative Yuan. Reform-minded civic leaders dare not raise too much of a hue and cry. They have met with the President several times. So far, the talks have led nowhere. They have no idea whether President Ma Ying-jeou supports or opposes the reforms proposed by former Minister of Justice Ong Yueh-sheng. The Chen Shui-bian administration provoked intense controversy when he removed the sign on the Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall. Ma Ying-jeou once said that any changes would first be subject to a civic forum. Instead, the Ministry of Education held three seminars with experts, then rehung the Chiang Kai-shek Memorial Hall sign. It did not even have the courage to tell the public. The majority of experts suggested making no moves for the time being.

Over the past year, the Ma Liu administration's manner of decision-making has raised serious doubts among the public. Once Ma Ying-jeou becomes party chairman, will he take responsibility for matters he cannot or will not take responsibility for now? Asking a political party that has recently reacquired power to recall the hardships it experienced when it was in the opposition, is clearly difficult. At the local level, most of the candidates who have thrown their hats in the ring and who can't be persuaded to withdraw, have been indicted for corruption or vote-buying. At the central level, all problems are perceived as other peoples' problems. Whenever controversies arise, the immediate reaction is to impose silence. The problems that have arisen arose during the past year. The criticism, "lacks drive," sums up the public's estimation of Ma Ying-jeou. Ma Ying-jeou has chosen to become Party Chairman. In order to ensure smooth operations within the party and the government, in order to speed up adminstrative processes within government and reform the party, Ma must be decisive. Starting today, he must stop mumbling to himself before the cameras. He must show the public that Ma Ying-jeou is a leader who is able to act.

中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2009.07.27
社論－莫再讓期待一再化成嘆息與搖頭
本報訊

一如預期，毫無意外，馬英九昨天以九成四的得票率，當選國民黨主席。迥異於八年前連戰競選黨主席時的悲壯，因為當時國民黨才因為敗選將政權拱手讓人；不同於四年前與立法院長王金平的激烈競爭，馬英九聚積社會對國民黨世代交替與黨務改革的龐大期待；更有別於兩年前吳伯雄臨危受命，補選黨主席，全黨有志一同，要讓馬英九安然渡過特別費危機，贏回政權；此番以國家元首身分，行禮如儀跑完每一場拜票行程，除了黨代表選舉，黨內參與感不強，遑論社會的關切。

做為重新執政的總統兼黨主席，馬英九不能不體會國民黨重掌政權這一年多來，社會氣氛的轉變，以及對國民黨期待落空後的沉默。箇中關鍵，可能不只在黨務、不只在政務，更重要的，在他個人的決策風格。

馬英九競選黨主席的這段期間，國防部公布了滿篇數據的查貪報告，馬英九指示：繼續查、定期查，然後，軍備局鬧出子彈恐嚇信、軍情局內鬥不休，總統府維安出現大漏洞，還要一個月，才能提出重新建制維安機制的報告。立法院幸好休會，不過，就在休會前，立法院三讀通過了《公務員行政中立法》，將律法舖天蓋地的加諸學術研究機構，中研院大反彈，考試院只敢前往中研院道歉，卻膽怯地不敢表態提出修法案，這個由行政院會領銜的法案，彷彿也沒行政院的事，至於國會最多席次的國民黨立委，不但沒意思為學者們解套，還痛罵中研院長翁啟惠一頓，理應調和各院的總統馬英九，到現在沒吭過一句話，甚至不知道，他到底看過這部經總統府蓋大印公布的法案了沒有？

馬英九到底在幹嘛？這段期間，他很用力的每個周末跑地方，發表他的黨主席政見，結果，人在花蓮，村長陳情，竟被隨扈擋駕，什麼時候，連黨員陳情都成了禁忌？他還很用心地拍攝《治國週記》，雖然被網友爆料是提前預錄，但最大的問題是：從馬英九坐著到站著的幾段週記裡，既看不出他的治國理念，更看不到他的治國實績，有哪一樁問題是經過總統關心而解決的？有哪一樁是他認為相關單位應該為人民解決的？或者，有什麼是他接下來一周急迫解決的？什麼都沒有！只有馬英九一個人說著他的感懷，高雄世運很感動、大學選系選校選人生，這些事總統不是不能談，但這就是總統的「治國大事」嗎？

馬英九的「改革」，因為「日久失修」，早不若當年響亮動人，很多人不想再聽了；馬英九的感懷，很多人勉強聽一聽，聽完只能嘆口氣告訴自己別期待太多，因為馬英九若非不沾鍋，就是不想用力。這些感嘆和批評並非無的放矢，隨便舉例，為了集遊法，馬英九出面在總統府邀請社團人士座談，結果產出的是一個與社團人士意見不同的法條，到現在立法院還沒三讀；民間司改人士不敢大張旗鼓，但也和總統見了幾次面，截至目前為止，尚處空談狀態，不確定前司法院長翁岳生的改革法案和圖像，到底馬英九總統支不支持；扁政府鬧出莫大爭議的民主紀念館拆牌風波，馬英九曾經說過要經過公民論壇的討論，結果，教育部辦完三場專家座談，迅雷不及掩耳地就把中正紀念堂的牌子給掛回去了，甚至不敢事前告訴社會大眾：專家意見主張暫且不動的居多數。

一年多來，馬劉政府的決策風格，讓社會大眾嚴重懷疑，總統都管不了或不想管的事，兼黨主席之後，馬英九會管、肯管嗎？要求一個重新掌握權力的政黨，不斷反省在野時臥薪嘗膽的滋味，顯然是困難的。在地方，擠破頭爭提名還屢勸不退的多是貪汙在案或賄選遭訴；在中央，遇事就是別人的事，有爭議先消音，所有的問題，就在這一年多時間中，快速累積。「缺乏魄力」這個評語，幾乎成了全國民眾對馬英九的刻板印象，馬英九既決定兼任黨主席，要透過黨政運作更順暢，加速推動政務、改革黨務，就得劍及履及，從今天開始，揚棄在鏡頭前喃喃自語，以實際作為告訴民眾：馬英九，是有行動力的領導人。