Can Taiwan Shrug Off the Lee Teng-hui Complex?

Can Taiwan Shrug Off the Lee Teng-hui Complex?
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 25, 2011

Two ruling party changes have taken place on Taiwan. But over the past ten years, democracy on Taiwan has remained mired in web of contradictions. On the one hand, both the ruling and opposition parties praise the passing of the baton. On the other hand, the replacement rate for politicians is surprisingly low. Over the past decade, this has resulted in a "Lee Teng-hui Complex," and even an inability to escape the influence of the "Lee Teng-hui Era." Althought he has retired, this nonagenarian continues attempting to play the role of kingmaker.

Lee was the first president of the Republic of China born on Taiwan. No one can ignore Lee Teng-hui's contribution to democracy. Before leaving office, he said his greatest wish was to be a missionary. Who knew that within six months, he would found the Taiwan Solidarity Union (TSU)? In the beginning, the purpose of the TSU was to induce the Nativist faction to defect from the KMT. When this attempt failed, the TSU became an independent bastion for the Taiwan independence camp. Within a year, it shattered successor Chen Shui-bian's "new centrist path."

Ah-bian was in power for eight years. On the surface, he and Lee were got along swimmingly. In fact, relations were strained to the breaking point. Ah-Bian both solicited his opinion, and intimidated him. He dared not confront Lee outright of course, The TSU virtually became the DPP's policy maker. In order to crank up election sentiment and bolster support for Taiwan independence, the DPP was forced to follow the TSU's lead on such issues as joining the United Nations or making referenda part of the election process. This remains true even today. The TSU no longer has a single seat in the legislature. But because it unites the Taiwan independence movement, it continues to exert a powerful attraction on the DPP. DPP Chairman Tsai Ing-wen can subtly snub Chen Shui-bian. But she must cling to Lee Teng-hui for dear life.

Even stranger is the effect Lee Teng-hui has on the KMT. It is similar to the effect James Soong has on the KMT. Both have an influence that cannot be ignored. One reason is that Lee is too adept at political intrigue. Either that, or the middle-aged elites within the Blue and Green camps are far too inept. Over the past decade, they have allowed Lee Teng-hui to political developments by dropping rhetorical bombshells and by staging media events.

James Soong was once powerful because of Lee Teng-hui. He fell from grace, also because of Lee Teng-hui. The key issue was not that Lee froze the Taiwan Provincial Government. The key issue was that during the 2000 Republic of China Presidential Election. Lee either acquiesced or conspired in leaking information about the Chung Hsing Bills case and US real estate registered in the name of James Soong's son. Lee and Sung have many scores to settle. Thirteen years after their battle over the freezing of the Taiwan Provincial Government, James Soong attended Lee Teng-hui's birthday party. He even felt compelled to thank Lee Teng-hui for making him "the one and only governor." Had he known this is how things would turn out, James Soong need not have turned against Lee Teng-hui so many years ago. He could have obediently allowed Lee Teng-hui to plan his political future, and the political arena on Taiwan would look very different today.

Lee Teng-hui made good use of James Soong. But he also pulled the rug out from under him, Lee refused to allow Soong to run for president, because Soong was a "Mainlander." "At most he can be Premier." But neither did Lee appoint Soong to his cabinet. Instead he allowed Vincent Siew, Soong's good friend, to assume that role. From that moment on, Siew and Soong were strangers. Today Lee praises Soong as "the best administrator ever," It is even rumored that Lee Teng-hui urged Tsai Ing-wen to make James Soong a member of her cabinet. This has left both the Blue and Green camps dumbfounded. James Soong has ironically become best pawn in Lee Teng-hui's effort to divide the Blue Camp.

The Ma administration assumed office three years ago. Lee Teng-hui has repeatedly criticized the Ma administration for "pandering to [Mainland] China and selling out Taiwan." As a result, democracy on Taiwan has undergone regression. Lee seems to have forgotten that of all the Presidents of the ROC who served on Taiwan, he was the only one who ever joined the Communist Party. He seems to have forgotten that he was the one who dispatched a "cross-Strait emissary" to Beijing during his term. He was the one who wanted the Uni-President Corporation to grow tomatoes on the Mainland. He was the one who suggested that Chi Mei set up factories on the Mainland. He accused the Ma administration of "forfeiting the nation's sovereignty." But he seems to have forgotten his own years in power. How many nations offered the ROC visa-free entry back then? He seems to have forgotten that his state visits to allies were made possible only by means of spendthrift checkbook diplomacy, and that he left behind the foul stench of secret national security accounts.

Lee Teng-hui's intense power lust undermined his policy expertise. Consider another example. Lee Teng-hui is an expert in agricultural economy. He contributed to Taiwan's economic development. But during his term the largest peasant movement in history took place. In 2004 Lee blasted Lien and Soong, accusing them of not understanding agriculture. He also blasted Beijing for "dumping" agricultural products on Taiwan. But he seems to have forgotten it was the Chen administration that permitted the importation of Mainland produce to Taiwan, not Lien and Soong.

Today he is blasting the Ma administration, saying that its "small landlord, big tenant farmer" policy was bungled. He trumpets the "80,000 strong army of peasants" during his term as Taiwan Provincial Governor. He argues that there are now 300,000 jia worth of fallow land, calling it such a pity. He seems to have forgotten that he first served as governor, then as vice president, then as president. He was in power for twelve years, Why was the "scale up in order to reduce costs" policy he advocated unsustainable? We have not even mentioned how the scale of agriculture on Taiwan began shrinking during his term of office.

Lee lived through colonial rule and the white terror, Lee has a strong sense of political mission. He has strong feelings about the direction the nation should take. During his term, he advocated "terminating the alien regime," remaking the KMT as a "Nativist" political party, and underscoring "Taiwan's sovereignty." Whether one agrees with his rhetorical style and content, no one can challenge his "Taiwanese values." Lee has already written an unforgettable page in Taiwan's history. Why does he feel compelled to add a footnote that provokes so much unnecessary controversy?

Blue and Green politicians who consider themselves new generation political leaders, may defer to this elder, who once commanded the forces of nature. But they need no longer dance to his tune, Otherwise, what future is there for politics on Taiwan?

社論－台灣走不出「李登輝情結」？
2011-07-25
中國時報
【本報訊】

　台灣已經過兩次政黨輪替，但台灣的民主政治這十幾年來，始終陷在一個矛盾糾結的情境：一方面朝野政黨都喊著世代交替，另方面政治領袖的汰換率卻驚人的低，導致十幾年來還走不出「李登輝情結」，甚至跨不過「李登輝時代」，自他卸任以來，這個已經九十歲的老人家還企圖扮演權力指導者的角色。

　身為第一位台灣人總統，沒有人能忽略李登輝對台灣民主之功。他在卸任前最大的心願就是要當傳教士，沒想到，不過半年，他就風風火火搞起台聯，剛開始是要裂解國民黨的本土派，裂解不成反倒成了獨派的外圍根據地，讓宣示「中間路線」的繼任者陳水扁一年不到就破功。

　扁執政八年，與李登輝貌似情投意合，實則緊張萬分，扁對他既請益又恐嚇，但恐嚇卻又不敢當真，為了繃緊選情，鞏固獨派選票，不論是入聯護台或公投綁大選，台聯扮演的角色都形同民進黨的指揮者；綁到如今，台聯甚至一席立委都無，卻因為結合獨派，對民進黨仍有強大磁吸效應，民進黨主席蔡英文可以軟切割的方式不理陳水扁，卻不敢不緊緊靠著李登輝。

　更奇特的是，李登輝對國民黨、甚至自國民黨脫出的宋楚瑜同樣還有無法忽視的影響力，其中原因不知是李登輝太懂政治權謀？還是這群藍綠中生代們本事太差，讓李登輝在這十年內，發言即引人側目，出手就震動政壇？

　宋楚瑜因為李登輝而權傾一時，也因為李登輝而從高峰重重墜落，其關鍵原因不只是李登輝凍省，而是因為二千年總統大選，李登輝默許或授意讓興票案和宋楚瑜兒子在美房產資料全曝光；李宋恩怨糾葛，凍省纏鬥十三年後，宋楚瑜親赴李登輝壽宴，還得感謝李登輝讓他成為「唯一的省長」。早知如此，宋楚瑜當年還須要與李登輝翻臉嗎？乖乖聽任李登輝安排出路，台灣政壇豈非又是另一番面貌？

　李登輝重用宋楚瑜，卻也執意拔掉他，李不讓宋選總統，因為他是外省人，「最多只能當行政院長。」但李也沒任命宋組閣，讓與宋交好的蕭萬長後來居上，從此宋蕭形同陌路。如今李盛讚宋楚瑜是「最好的行政人才」，政壇甚至傳出李登輝建議蔡英文當選後邀宋組閣，讓藍綠都傻眼，宋楚瑜竟成了李登輝離間藍營國民黨的最佳棋子。

　馬政府執政三年多以來，李登輝數度痛批馬政府傾中賣台，使台灣民主出現倒退危機，但他忘了，台灣歷任總統只有他真正加入過共產黨，他也忘了當年是誰在他任內派出「兩岸密使」，是誰要統一集團赴大陸種番茄？是誰暗示奇美赴大陸設廠？他批評馬政府淪喪主權，卻忘了自己掌權十二年，做到哪一國免簽證？他更忘了，他只能靠著金援外交出訪友邦，卻搞出一本烏煙瘴氣的國安密帳。

　李登輝對政治權力的強烈渴望，讓他的政策專業逐漸模糊。再舉一例，李登輝是農經專家，台灣經濟發展過程中他是出力也有功之人，然而，在他任內發生過史上最大的農民運動；二○○四年他痛批連宋不懂農業，更痛批中國農產品低價傾銷台灣，他卻忘了開放大陸農產品來台的是扁政府，而非連宋。

　如今他又批馬政府「小地主大佃農」的政策沒有做好，並以自己擔任省主席時代的「八萬農業大軍」自豪，批評現在卻有卅萬甲休耕地，非常可惜。他又忘了，在他出任省主席之後，一路從副總統到總統，掌權十二年，為什麼他所主張「擴大規模降低成本」的政策方向無法持續？遑論台灣的農業規模還是在他任內開始縮小的。

　走過殖民統治、白色恐怖的歲月，李登輝擁有強烈的政治使命，對國家發展方向與願景有強烈的主張，在他任內鼓吹「終結外來政權」，讓「國民黨老店新開」，強化「台灣主體性」，不論其論述方式或內涵是否引起仁智之見，「台灣價值」卻已無人可以挑戰，李登輝已為自己、為台灣寫下一頁足堪後人懷念的歷史，何須再在史頁之後，留下諸多無謂爭議的註腳？

　當然，號稱要世代交替的藍綠政治領袖，對這位曾經呼風喚雨的老人家尊之敬之即可，卻不必更不該再受他擺佈，否則，台灣政治還有什麼未來性可言。