Do Not Allow Taiwan to Become A Lonely Outsider

Do Not Allow Taiwan to Become A Lonely Outsider
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
July 24, 2014

Summary: The Hollywood film "Transformers 4" is performing well at the box office on the Chinese mainland, in Hong Kong, and on Taiwan. Many fans on Taiwan have praised the new cast, as well as the plot, which incorporates ancient legends. But they also have mixed feelings about this joint venture with the Chinese mainland, which is chock full of Chinese touches calculated to please Mainland audiences. The producers had their eyes on the Mainland market. They made no attempt to please Taiwan however, which has become a lonely outsider.

Full Text Below:

The Hollywood film "Transformers 4" is performing well at the box office on the Chinese mainland, in Hong Kong, and on Taiwan. Many fans on Taiwan have praised the new cast, as well as the plot, which incorporates ancient legends. But they also have mixed feelings about this joint venture with the Chinese mainland, which is chock full of Chinese touches calculated to please Mainland audiences. The producers had their eyes on the Mainland market. They made no attempt to please Taiwan however, which has become a lonely outsider.

The Mainland economy has grown swiftly. Many on Taiwan are oblivious to this fact. The rest of world however will not refrain from pandering to or exploiting the Mainland merely because some on Taiwan harbor hate it. The Mainland fully intends to pursue economic development regardless of how people on Taiwan might feel. Large nations pursuing economic development will conquer new territories. Take for example the recently established BRICS Development Bank. It is colliding head on with the European and American controlled World Bank and IMF. Despite this global reality, many on Taiwan remain immobilized by their "China Complex." They can no longer make rational decisions. Many policies have been stalled or delayed.

Contradictions such as these have persisted for many years. They persist even today. Two years ago, President Ma began his second term. The United Daily News Vision Workshop put forth its "Critical Two Years, Taiwan Fast Forward" initiative. We urged government and the private sector to take advantage of the coming two years, which was free of election concerns. We urged them to respond to the urgent internal and external economic situation brought on by regional economic integration. We urged them to promote radical transformation, and provide Taiwan with a sustainable future. During the "Taiwan Economic Summit" we and other participants issued seven major proposals. We urged the ruling and opposition parties to cease their bickering, initiate dialogue, and change their attitudes. We urged them to promote the rule of law, free markets, the free movement of people and capital. We urged them to begin follow up negotiations on ECFA as soon as possible, as well as Taiwan-Singapore and Taiwan-New Zealand trade negotiations. We urged them to communicate with the public over policy implementation, and to establish a Taiwan, Japan, Singapore cooperation platform. We urged them to develop long-term industrial development plans, change the OEM export model, develop a talent nurturing strategy, and restructure university education.

Two years later, visible progress has been made on policies that do not involve the Chinese mainland. They include the Taiwan-Singapore and Taiwan-New Zealand Economic Cooperation Agreements, Taiwan-Japan exchanges and cooperation and personnel policy, and higher education reform. By contrast, predictable obstacles have plagued other polices. The situation has not improved. if anything, it has worsened. Struggles for supremacy within the ruling party rage on. So blue vs. green partisan struggles. Many with agendas incite Sinophobia. One stumbling block has been laid upon another, forming an impenetrable stone wall. The STA has been mired in the Legislative Yuan for over a year. The FEPZ bill remains stalled. Clearly the "China Complex" is a chasm not easily bridged.

The "National Development Council Conference" is the Ma government's way of bridging this chasm. It has mostly addressed older issues. But those in the know nevertheless offered sound suggestions. They urged the ruling and opposition parties to move forward. Taiwan faces a far greater danger today than it did two years ago. The ROC and ROK will soon conclude an FTA. Second round negotiations for the Trans-Pacific Economic Partnership are coming up. Taiwan is perched on the brink of marginalization. This is not baseless alarmism. Will Taiwan slam the door shut on liberalization? Wil it choose to de-Sinicize and never deal with the Mainland again? Sooner or later Taiwan will be forced to confront reality. We will be forced to find a way forward. Therefore we offer the following suggestions.

One. We on Taiwan must view the Mainland in a neutral, rational manner. We must consider our own strengths and our competitors' strategies. We must formulate a rational foreign policy. We have lived through the March 18 student movement. The younger generation has clearly widened its exchanges with the Mainland. Therefore we must balance economic development with national security.

Two. The public must promote dialogue between the ruling and opposition parties. We must seek common ground while shelving differences. Those in power must adopt a humble and caring attitude. Those in the political opposition must behave like a loyal opposition. If those in the political opposition really care about Taiwan's future, they should begin by proposing a staged blueprint for economic development. They should prove that they have a holistic development strategy, and not oppose Ma and the Mainland at every turn out of sheer spite.

Three. The government must make even greater changes to Taiwan's economy. This is as important as liberalization. Over the past ten years, Taiwan has failed to transform its industries. It has failed to tap new means of growth. Industry finds it difficult to turn a profit. The brain drain continues. Externally we find ourselves under simultaneous attack from South Korea and the Chinese mainland. If we wish to overcome adversity, there are no shortcuts. Only continuous innovation and self-improvement offers us a chance to break through.

Four. The government must act. It must allow liberalization to bear fruit. It must extricate labor and vulnerable industries from the "Loser's Circle." It must help more middle class people into the "Winners Circle." In the short term, the government can draw on its financial resources. It can offer incentives, encourage business, and support labor. It can help vulnerable industries regroup. In the mid to long term, it must reform the tax system, educational system, and social welfare system. It must reduce income inequality. It must narrow the gap between rich and poor, thereby giving liberalization a broader base of support.

別讓台灣成為寂寞的局外人
【聯合報╱社論】
2014.07.24 02:10 am

好萊塢電影「變形金剛４」近期在兩岸三地展現驚人的吸金魅力。不少台灣影迷對這集劇情融入遠古傳說、演出陣容大換血讚譽有加，卻也對這部與中國大陸合拍的商業電影處處流露百般討好的「中國味」，另有一番複雜感受。製片商眼中的大陸市場何其大，而未被奉承的台灣，似乎成了寂寞的局外人。

隨著中國大陸經濟的快速崛起，許多台灣民眾已能體會到，世界並不會因為台灣喜不喜歡大陸，而停止討好或「利用」大陸。而大陸方面為了追求發展，也不會特別照顧台灣的感受，在發展大國經濟話語權上將不斷攻城掠地，例如近期促成金磚五國設立開發銀行，直接槓上向來由歐美掌握的世界銀行及國際貨幣基金。儘管國際現實如此，台灣卻容易受到「中國情結」的情緒牽引，無法果決地做出理性選擇及決策，以致許多政策停頓或延宕。

這樣的矛盾，其實已持續多年，於今尤烈。其實，兩年前當馬總統展開第二屆任期之初，聯合報系願景工程就提出「關鍵兩年，台灣快轉」的呼籲，敦促政府和民間善用沒有選舉干擾的關鍵兩年，因應內外在緊迫的經濟情勢與區域經濟整合潮流，推動轉骨工程，幫台灣開走出一條可長可久的路。當時在「為台灣經濟開路高峰會」上，與會人士最後提出七大宣言，包括朝野停止對峙，開啟對話；調整心態，推進法制、市場、人才及投資開放；儘速完成ＥＣＦＡ後續四大協商及台星、台紐經貿談判，並與社會溝通提出相關配套；建立台、日新合作平台；訂定中長期產業發展計畫，改變代工出口模式；以及訂立人才發展策略，推動大學教育轉型等。

兩年過去了，在「中國成分」較低的政策如台星、台紐經合協定、台日交流合作及人才政策、高教轉骨上，或多或少可見進展。相對的，當時預見的障礙亦如影隨形，非但未見改善，反而更形惡化，隨著執政黨內部的山頭戰爭白熱化、藍綠持續惡鬥，以及有心人士操弄「恐中」情結，一顆顆絆腳石儼然已排成了石頭陣。《兩岸服務貿易協議》卡在立院超過一年，《自由經濟示範區特別條例》停滯不前，顯示「中國障礙」是道不易跨越的鴻溝。

「經貿國是會議」是馬政府為跨越這道鴻溝提供的平台和橋梁，儘管談的多半是老問題，參與分區座談的有識之士仍苦口婆心地提出建言，並呼籲朝野快步前行；因為，今天台灣面臨的凶險，較兩年前有過之無不及。面對中韓自貿協定即將達陣，且「跨太平洋經濟夥伴關係」第二輪談判即將開展，台灣邊緣化的危機迫在眉睫，絕非危言聳聽。除非台灣自願關起大門徹底排斥自由化，或者決心選擇一條與大陸不相往來的「去中國化」路徑；否則，台灣終究必須正視自己所處的嚴峻形勢，找到前行的方向。以下四點，是我們的建議：

首先，台灣必須中性、理性看待大陸，依循我們自身的秉賦條件及競爭對手的可能戰略，設計出合理的對外交往劇本。歷經三一八學運，年輕世代對於與大陸交往的疑慮顯然加深，因此，這套劇本必須兼顧經濟發展與國家安全風險控管策略。

第二，全民應力促朝野對話，並追求「存異求同」的局部和解；執政者必須謙卑為懷，在野黨也必須扮演負責的忠誠反對黨。在野黨若真心關心台灣前途，不妨立即暖身，提出準執政階段的建設藍圖，說明自己有一個全盤的發展策略，而不只是逢馬必反、逢中必反的政治炒手。

第三，政府必須加強台灣經濟體質調整，這與自由化同等重要。過去十多年，台灣產業轉型不順，且未能挖掘經濟成長新動能，導致產業在微利中辛苦掙扎，人才則呈現淨流出，國際上則面臨南韓、大陸等對手的夾擊。台灣要擺脫困境，沒有捷徑，唯有不斷創新、自我提升，才有機會突圍。

第四，政府應採取積極作為，讓自由化果實可以雨露均霑，將勞工、弱勢產業從「輸者圈」救出，並推動更多的中產階級進入「贏者圈」。短期而言，政府可先動用財政資源，包括提供誘因，鼓勵企業挺勞工等，協助弱勢產業固本培元；中長期而言，則從調整租稅、教育及社會福利等制度，改善所得分配不均、縮小貧富差距，讓自由化的支持基礎更堅實。