United Daily News Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
January 30, 2016
Executive Summary: In defiance of Washington's objections, President Ma conducted a whirlwind tour of Taiping Island. The island is ROC national territory, located in the South China Sea. Yet DPP legislators, dripping with sarcasm, objected. They dismissed President Ma as a "caretaker president", saying he should not be “making waves in a disputed area”. Disputes over South China Sea island sovereignty rage on. If President Ma does nothing, our sovereign territory could be occupied by foreign powers while no one is minding the store. Is this really what fellow citizens want to see?
Full Text Below:
In defiance of Washington's objections, President Ma conducted a whirlwind tour of Taiping Island. The island is ROC national territory, located in the South China Sea. Yet DPP legislators, dripping with sarcasm, objected. They dismissed President Ma as a "caretaker president", saying he should not be “making waves in a disputed area”. Disputes over South China Sea island sovereignty rage on. If President Ma does nothing, our sovereign territory could be occupied by foreign powers while no one is minding the store. Is this really what fellow citizens want to see?
President Ma chose to visit Taiping Island at this time because the matter is urgent. The Philippines have demanded arbitration by International Court of Arbitration over the Nansha Islands. It is attempting to have the Nansha Islands downgraded to the status of "reefs" unsuitable for human habitation, in order to nullify our territorial sovereignty over Taiping Island. The International Court of Arbitration is likely to render just such a judgment between March and June, precisely during the handover of power. President Ma chose to visit Taiping Island to show the world that the island is large enough to be habitable, and to show that the island has been ours for a very long time.
The Philippines demand for arbitration is disingenuous. Manila wants all “high tide elevations” in the South China Sea, i.e., all land above water at high tide, to be classified as “reefs”, not islands. This includes Chung-yeh Island, which the Philippines seized from the ROC several decades ago. If this happens, all EEZs in territorial waters surrounding such islands, out to 200 nautical miles, will be null and void. The starting points for EEZs would be moved to the Philippines coast. This is how the Philippines hopes to embark on territorial expansion.
We are one of six South China Sea claimant countries. But our diplomatic status is limited. We have few channels by which we can express ourselves. This is why President Ma personally visited the island, drank from its wells, fed goats, and burned incense at a local temple. His visit demonstrated that we have inhabited the island since antiquity. He did this to attract international media attention, and to demonstrate that our sovereignty over Taiping Island is hard reality.
As president of the Republic of China, defending its territorial sovereignty is his highest duty. How can there possibly be a “caretaker period” for this? If President Ma did nothing, and allowed a court of international arbitration to rule against us, that would constitute a gross dereliction of duty. Besides, in 2008, Chen Shui-bian, in his capacity as president, visited the island. The South China Sea sovereignty dispute is even more serious today. President Ma can hardly sit idly by. Our territorial sovereignty must not be violated. Every citizen must support this without petty partisan political concerns.
President Ma was originally scheduled to visit Taiping Island last year. US arms sales were just around the corner. As a result, he yielded to AIT pressure. Washington strongly opposed Ma's recent visit for two reasons. One. It feared his visit would lead to a succession of such visits by heads of state from other countries, leading to increased tensions in the South China Sea. Two. President Ma's visit to the island coincided with US Secretary of State John Kerry's visit to Beijing. Kerry was preparing to negotiate with Beijing over South China Sea island and reef land reclamation and militarization. The timing was sensitive. The AIT was embarrassed. Washington wondered whether the two sides were working hand in glove. Therefore its tone was particularly harsh.
In any event, our national policy cannot be subject to foreign meddling. The ROC has its own national interests and national dignity. Neither current President Ma Ying-jeou nor future President Tsai Ing-wen, may equate US interests with ROC interests. The ROC is one of the claimant countries in the South China Sea sovereignty dispute. But we have no voice during international negotiations. We have no seat at the negotiating table. We must make ourselves visible however we can. Only then can we avoid being sidelined and sacrificed.
In fact, Washington and its allies are not always on the same page. From time to time the US and Israel publicly criticize each other. But as allies, their relationship remains strong. Momentary discord does not necessarily lead to a complete break. Ma Ying-jeou will step down in May. Washington will seek cooperation with the new president. This crisis will blow over.
President Ma visited the island for another reason. He hopes the new government will continue to defend our national territory and national interests in the South China Sea. But will Tsai Ing-wen do so? Wil she do so in full measure? The Presidential Office notified the DPP ahead of time. It hoped Tsai Ing-wen would assign representatives to accompany Ma to Taiping Island. The offer was rejected. The DPP feared it would be seen as agreeing with the Ma government's South China Sea policy. Its attitude is easy to understand. The election just ended. Tsai Ing-wen wants to distinguish her “new mandate” from the Ma government's. But this is a matter of national territory and national sovereignty. The DPP really has no alternative.
The South China Sea matter is becoming increasingly complex. Our government can find little new to talk about. It can stress the importance of defending Taiping Island. It can call for the peaceful settlement of disputes. It can reaffirm the history of the South China Sea and the ten dotted line. Most importantly however, it must maintain a delicate balance between the different forces in the struggle, in order not to lose its own goals and autonomy. The Tsai Ing-wen government can pay more attention to Washington. It can avoid frontal collisions. It can refuse to sing the same tune as the Mainland. But its position must be the same as the Ma government's.
The Philippines have presented a challenge with its demand for international arbitration. The president must stand up against any actions detrimental to ROC sovereignty and interests, regardless of blue vs. green party affiliation. So must all of our citizens.
聯合／維護南海主權是不分黨派的責任
2016-01-30 03:27 聯合報 聯合報社論
冒著美國反對的逆風，馬總統旋風式地訪視國土南疆太平島。若干民進黨立委則連譏帶諷反對，認為馬總統是「看守總統」，不宜在爭議地區大張旗鼓。然而，正當太平島主權問題驚濤洶湧，馬總統若毫無作為，可能使我國固有疆域在政治「空窗期」為人所奪，這難道是國人樂見之事？
馬 總統選在此際訪視太平島，主要是時間上的緊迫。由於菲律賓向國際仲裁法庭提出南沙諸島的仲裁案，企圖要將太平島降格為「岩礁」，而非適宜人居的島嶼，以否 定我國對太平島的領土權。國際仲裁法庭快則三月、慢則六月，可能將就此作出判決，正落在我國新舊政權交接之際。馬總統毅然登島，就是要向世人展示太平島的 規模和環境為宜居島嶼，以及我國長期經營該島的事實。
菲律賓提出這項仲裁是居心叵測。馬尼拉所期待的裁定是：南海所有的「高潮高地」── 即在高潮時露出水面的陸地，都不算島嶼，而只是岩礁，其中包括數十年前菲國奪自我國手中的「中業島」在內。如此一來，所有島嶼周邊起算的兩百海里經濟水域 都將被取消，經濟海域的起算基準將移至菲律賓沿岸，這是其擴張領土的如意盤算。
儘管我國是南海六個「聲索國」（Claimant Country）之一，但因外交地位局限，無適當表達意見之管道。因此，馬總統才要親自登島，嘗井水，餵山羊，廟宇上香，表明島上自古以來就有人居住。如此，才能吸引國際媒體關注，彰顯我國擁有並實質統治太平島的事實。
作 為中華民國總統，捍衛領土主權是最高義務，這豈能有看守期？如果馬總統毫不作為，任由國際仲裁法庭做出對我不利的裁定，那才是嚴重瀆職。何況，二○○八年 陳水扁也曾以總統身分登島；而今天南海的主權爭議險峻程度又更甚於當時，馬總統不能坐視不管。從領土及主權不容侵犯的角度看，國民應該不分黨派地支持此 事。
馬總統原訂去年底訪視太平島，當時因美國軍售案宣布在即，他接受了美國在台協會之勸阻。此次美國大聲反對，一則怕引發鄰國元首仿效， 增高南海的緊張；二則是馬總統登島之時適逢美國務卿凱瑞訪問北京，正準備就大陸在南海造島及軍事化等問題與中方協商。正因時機敏感，ＡＩＴ難免尷尬，又懷 疑兩岸是否刻意應和，發言語氣便格外嚴峻。
無論如何，我國政策不能受外國干預或左右，中華民國有自己的國格與國家利益，身為總統，無論是 現在的馬英九，或即將接手的蔡英文，都不應該以為美國的利益就是台灣的利益。何況，台灣雖是南海主權聲索國之一，但我們在國際協商的談判桌上並無發言之 地，必須要設法製造自己的能見度，才不會被悄悄淹沒或犧牲。
事實上，美國與盟邦的立場未必永遠一致，它和以色列之間更是不時公開批評；但既是盟邦，就有強固的關係，不會因為一時一事齟齬就撕破臉。馬英九五月卸任，美國要尋求與新總統合作，此一風波很快就會過去。
馬 總統登島的另一目的，是希望新政府能夠延續此一政策，繼續維護我國在南海的領土及利益。問題是，蔡英文會全盤接收嗎？總統府行前曾通知民進黨，希望蔡英文 指派代表同赴太平島，卻遭到婉拒。民進黨擔心的是，如果派人同行，將被外界解讀為同意馬政府的南海政策。這樣的態度，似也不難理解：大選剛結束，蔡英文恃 其新民意付託，或許希望採取有別於馬政府的政策。然而，在領土及主權問題上，民進黨終究沒有太多其他選擇。
夾在日益複雜的南海形勢中，我 國政府能談的，除了強調保衛太平島，宣示和平解決紛爭，以及重申南海十一段線的歷史，其實很難發展出什麼新詞新意。重要的是，要懂得在不同勢力的角力中保 持巧妙的平衡，才不會失去自己的目標和自主性。唯一不同是，蔡英文政府可能更重視美國的意見，不會正面衝撞，也不會留下和大陸「唱和」的印象，但立場和馬 政府應該是一樣的。
面對菲律賓在國際仲裁法庭的挑戰，任何有損中華民國主權及利益的行為，無論藍綠，中華民國總統都必須挺身捍衛，國民亦然。
2016-01-30 03:27 聯合報 聯合報社論
冒著美國反對的逆風，馬總統旋風式地訪視國土南疆太平島。若干民進黨立委則連譏帶諷反對，認為馬總統是「看守總統」，不宜在爭議地區大張旗鼓。然而，正當太平島主權問題驚濤洶湧，馬總統若毫無作為，可能使我國固有疆域在政治「空窗期」為人所奪，這難道是國人樂見之事？
馬 總統選在此際訪視太平島，主要是時間上的緊迫。由於菲律賓向國際仲裁法庭提出南沙諸島的仲裁案，企圖要將太平島降格為「岩礁」，而非適宜人居的島嶼，以否 定我國對太平島的領土權。國際仲裁法庭快則三月、慢則六月，可能將就此作出判決，正落在我國新舊政權交接之際。馬總統毅然登島，就是要向世人展示太平島的 規模和環境為宜居島嶼，以及我國長期經營該島的事實。
菲律賓提出這項仲裁是居心叵測。馬尼拉所期待的裁定是：南海所有的「高潮高地」── 即在高潮時露出水面的陸地，都不算島嶼，而只是岩礁，其中包括數十年前菲國奪自我國手中的「中業島」在內。如此一來，所有島嶼周邊起算的兩百海里經濟水域 都將被取消，經濟海域的起算基準將移至菲律賓沿岸，這是其擴張領土的如意盤算。
儘管我國是南海六個「聲索國」（Claimant Country）之一，但因外交地位局限，無適當表達意見之管道。因此，馬總統才要親自登島，嘗井水，餵山羊，廟宇上香，表明島上自古以來就有人居住。如此，才能吸引國際媒體關注，彰顯我國擁有並實質統治太平島的事實。
作 為中華民國總統，捍衛領土主權是最高義務，這豈能有看守期？如果馬總統毫不作為，任由國際仲裁法庭做出對我不利的裁定，那才是嚴重瀆職。何況，二○○八年 陳水扁也曾以總統身分登島；而今天南海的主權爭議險峻程度又更甚於當時，馬總統不能坐視不管。從領土及主權不容侵犯的角度看，國民應該不分黨派地支持此 事。
馬總統原訂去年底訪視太平島，當時因美國軍售案宣布在即，他接受了美國在台協會之勸阻。此次美國大聲反對，一則怕引發鄰國元首仿效， 增高南海的緊張；二則是馬總統登島之時適逢美國務卿凱瑞訪問北京，正準備就大陸在南海造島及軍事化等問題與中方協商。正因時機敏感，ＡＩＴ難免尷尬，又懷 疑兩岸是否刻意應和，發言語氣便格外嚴峻。
無論如何，我國政策不能受外國干預或左右，中華民國有自己的國格與國家利益，身為總統，無論是 現在的馬英九，或即將接手的蔡英文，都不應該以為美國的利益就是台灣的利益。何況，台灣雖是南海主權聲索國之一，但我們在國際協商的談判桌上並無發言之 地，必須要設法製造自己的能見度，才不會被悄悄淹沒或犧牲。
事實上，美國與盟邦的立場未必永遠一致，它和以色列之間更是不時公開批評；但既是盟邦，就有強固的關係，不會因為一時一事齟齬就撕破臉。馬英九五月卸任，美國要尋求與新總統合作，此一風波很快就會過去。
馬 總統登島的另一目的，是希望新政府能夠延續此一政策，繼續維護我國在南海的領土及利益。問題是，蔡英文會全盤接收嗎？總統府行前曾通知民進黨，希望蔡英文 指派代表同赴太平島，卻遭到婉拒。民進黨擔心的是，如果派人同行，將被外界解讀為同意馬政府的南海政策。這樣的態度，似也不難理解：大選剛結束，蔡英文恃 其新民意付託，或許希望採取有別於馬政府的政策。然而，在領土及主權問題上，民進黨終究沒有太多其他選擇。
夾在日益複雜的南海形勢中，我 國政府能談的，除了強調保衛太平島，宣示和平解決紛爭，以及重申南海十一段線的歷史，其實很難發展出什麼新詞新意。重要的是，要懂得在不同勢力的角力中保 持巧妙的平衡，才不會失去自己的目標和自主性。唯一不同是，蔡英文政府可能更重視美國的意見，不會正面衝撞，也不會留下和大陸「唱和」的印象，但立場和馬 政府應該是一樣的。
面對菲律賓在國際仲裁法庭的挑戰，任何有損中華民國主權及利益的行為，無論藍綠，中華民國總統都必須挺身捍衛，國民亦然。
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