Central Standing Committee Protocol Trivial, Loss of Party Cohesion Serious

Central Standing Committee Protocol Trivial, Loss of Party Cohesion Serious
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
September 5, 2012

Summary: The KMT Central Standing Committee is holding its by-elections. The process can only be described as depressing. Those elected are not jumping for joy. Those not elected are discouraged by their losses. Rumors that Ma supporters encountered obstruction from central and southern Taiwan officials turned out to be true. What is the significance of the new Standing Committee roster? It is difficult to tell.

Full Text below:

The KMT Central Standing Committee is holding its by-elections. The process can only be described as depressing. Those elected are not jumping for joy. Those not elected are discouraged by their losses. Rumors that Ma supporters encountered obstruction from central and southern Taiwan officials turned out to be true. What is the significance of the new Standing Committee roster? It is difficult to tell.

The Central Standing Committee is the highest authority within the KMT. But in recent years its importance has declined. President Ma Ying-jeou consults the Central Standing Committee less and less. Its role continues to shrink. It has become an arena for second-tier power struggles. Central Standing Committee by-elections have become pro forma rituals. Some of those unhappy with the party leadership use the Central Standing Committee by-elections to vent anti-Ma sentiment. They use it to give Ma Ying-jeou a hard time. This is not surprising.

Who is in and who is out within the Central Standing Committee? Which factions are operating behind the scenes and resorting to dirty tricks? That is not important. The KMT party machinery has become weaker under President Ma and Chairman Ma. This is the real problem. This is the most import factor in ruling vs. opposition party rivalry.

Politics on Taiwan is "winner-take-all." This is true whether the Blue camp or Green camp is in power. The levers of power end up in the hands of the ruling administration. The ruling party winds up playing the role of second fiddle, go-fer, and political machine. Chen Shui-bian's eight years in office and Ma Ying-jeou's four make this abundantly clear. Political power is real power. It calls the shots. When the party is in office, the party hierarchy is relegated to second fiddle. But it must not have the life squeezed out of it. The power of the party must be balanced against the power of the ruling administration. They must not become alienated from each other. Why not? Because rule is temporary. Ruling parties parties are eventually toppled. The party organization must endure. It must remain in operation. A political party must have a structural framework and a belief system. Otherwise its constitution will be weak. It will have a difficult time maintaining discipline. It will lacking fighting ability. That is inevitable.

Consider the weakening of the KMT Central Standing Committee. The candidates who participated in the by-election were indifferent. The roster lacked talent. This is clearly unhealthy. The reasons for this phenomenon are deep-rooted. The Blue camp has lost internal cohesion. The KMT Central Standing Committee leaders lack charisma. These are all important factors.

The DPP Central Standing Committee is a different story altogether. In July the DPP Central Standing Committee underwent reorganization. Factions engaged in bitter struggles. The major factions faced off with each other, determined to prevail. Contrast this with the KMT Central Standing Committee by-election. The difference was vast. The DPP brought together the elderly, the middle-aged, and the young. Attendees included party princes and faction leaders Frank Hsieh and Yu Shyi-kun. The meeting of the KMT Central Standing Committee was a far quieter affair. Discussions were for the most part mere formalities. Chairman Ma approved the proposals and got them out of the way. DPP Central Standing Committee meetings on the other hand are often live fire exercises. Chairman Su Tseng-chang often found himself overwhelmed.

Now look further ahead. Consider the differences between the Blue and Green Central Standing Committees. The problem involves more than mere atmosphere or visual impact. It is closely related to the party's thinking and action. The DPP Central Standing Committee has many grizzled veterans. They may make it difficult for Su Tseng-chang to act. But the Central Standing Committee also serves as a platform of intraparty political wrangling. By contrast the KMT Central Standing Committee is an empty shell. This may lead to blind spots in decision-making. Most people are unhappy with the KMT's performance. This shows the need for brainstorming to enhance decision-making and execution. But if the KMT Central Standing Committee is unable to function as a conduit for suggestions, how can the Blue camp regain the trust and support of the public?

During the Chiang Ching-kuo era, the KMT Central Standing Committee recruited the most forward thinking party and government officials. It was a decision-making platform both in name and in fact. Today the Central Standing Committee is a hollow shell. Every year it holds by-elections. But party members with real power don't even care enough to compete. This may be political evolution. The party and the government may be going their separate ways. But for a political party lacking in cohesion it should be a matter of concern. The party elite is depressed about the Central Standing Committee's performance. One can only imagine how discouraged party members are at the grassroots.

Every KMT Central Standing Committee decline should be a call to action. But consider the new Central Standing Committee members. Are they up to the task of reinvigorating the party? Many people are questioning the staying power of the Blue camp. Ma Ying-jeou appears to have no response. He appears to have interpreted all calls for soul-searching as "anti-Ma" sentiment. But if no action is taken in response to these voices, danger awaits.

中常會式微事小，黨凝聚力流失事大
【聯合報╱社論】
2012.09.05 02:27 am

國民黨中常委改選，只堪以「意興闌珊」四字形容。當選者難謂雀躍，落選者莫名所以，挺馬人士遭中南部代表集體抵制的傳聞則印證不假。真正的問題是，在這種情況下產生的新一屆中常委名單，卻也解讀不出什麼新意義。

中常會是國民黨的最高權力機構，但近年功能日漸式微，不僅馬英九主席越來越少徵詢或採納中常委的意見，中常會的角色也不斷矮化，成為二軍競逐的舞台。因而，中常會改選變得行禮如儀，乃至有些不滿黨中央的人士藉改選發洩一下「反馬」情緒，要給馬英九一個好看，也就不足為奇了。

在這種情況下，與其觀察個別中常委誰上誰下，或追究什麼派系在幕後運作搞鬼，倒不如關注國民黨機器在馬總統與馬主席黨政雙兼下的「弱化」問題如何解決，恐怕才是影響未來朝野競爭的更重要因素。

以目前台灣「贏者全拿」的政治架構，無論藍綠誰政執，執政黨的權力槓桿都會大大向「政」傾斜，「黨」變成輔佐、抬轎及選舉機器。這從陳水扁的八年和馬英九的四年，都看得極為清楚，是政治的權力現實使然。然而，在執政時，「黨」雖然退居輔位，但它的生理命脈不可過度壓抑，而必須和「政」維持一定的衡稱關係，才不致發生斷層與疏離。原因是，執政是暫時的，總會遇上輪替的時刻；而政黨組織則要追尋恆久的運作；一個缺乏政見體系及政治意志的政黨，其生理命脈脆弱，難以在戰鬥中保持隊形，更難施展戰鬥力，這是必然。

從這個角度看，國民黨中常會的弱化，由參與競逐狀況的冷清，到缺乏亮眼的名單，顯然都不是健康的發展。此一現象，所反映的深層原因，無論是藍營內部凝聚力的流失，或者黨中央領導人號召力的耗弱，都是更應重視的事。

對照之下，民進黨的中常會卻是另一番景象。綠營七月間改組的中常會，是在派系激烈角力下產生，各大派系攻城掠池，志在必得；比起藍營中常委的參選冷清，迥然而異。而且，綠營中常會老中青俱全，包括「天王」謝長廷、游錫?皆以派系領袖側身其間。不難想像，國民黨召開中常會時與會者以沉默居多，討論多半流於形式，主席拍板了事；而民進黨中常會則常常出現真槍實彈的場景，讓主席蘇貞昌忙於招架。

進一步看，藍綠中常會的不同景象，其實不單單是「氣氛」或「觀瞻」的問題，也與黨的思考與行動關係密切。民進黨中常委老將眾多，或易讓蘇貞昌受到掣肘，但也使中常會相當程度地成為黨內政治角力的真實平台。而國民黨中常會變成權力空殼，則可能使決策產生偏斜或出現盲點而不自知。尤其，目前國民黨的執政成績無法取得多數民眾的認同，其實正需各方的腦力激盪，來增強決策力及執行力；然而，若連該黨的中常會都無法扮演建言供輸的角色，那麼藍軍要如何贏回民眾的信賴和支持？

在蔣經國時代，國民黨中常會廣納最尖端的黨政要員，成為名實大致相副的決策平台；而如今，中常會卻淪為內部權力的雞肋，食之無味，雖年年改選，但真正有實力的黨員連角逐都提不起胃口。這種現象，雖也是政治進化、黨政分離的徵兆；但對於一個凝聚力日漸渙散的政黨而言，畢竟是值得注意的事。若黨內菁英對中常會都表現得如此意興闌珊，亦可想像基層黨員向心力的流失恐怕更甚於此。

一般皆言，國民黨中常會已是每下愈況，應當設法提振；但看一看這張新名單，這樣的陣容，能承當得起「中興」的使命嗎？許多人都在質疑為藍軍的續航力，而馬英九對此似亦拿不出對策。簡言之，把一切要求檢討的聲音都解讀為「反馬」是沒必要的，但若對這些聲音無動於衷，卻是一個政治警訊。