Eliminate the Middleman: Promote Cross-Strait Visits by Wang Yu Qi and Zhang Zhijun

Eliminate the Middleman: Promote Cross-Strait Visits by Wang Yu Qi and Zhang Zhijun
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
March 19, 2013

Summary: For the past five years, Wang Yi has been Beijing's Director of the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council. He has left a good impression on the people of Taiwan. On Sunday he announced that he was retiring. He said he regretted never being able to visit Taiwan during his term in office. But if we can conduct cross-Strait relations under the Big Roof Concept of China, even Foreign Minister Wang Yi visiting Taiwan is conceivable.

Full Text below:

For the past five years, Wang Yi has been Beijing's Director of the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council. He has left a good impression on the people of Taiwan. On Sunday he announced that he was retiring. He said he regretted never being able to visit Taiwan during his term in office.

The Directorship of the Central Committee Taiwan Task Office is a party post. The holder of the post also serves as Director of the Taiwan Affairs Office of the State Council. Wang's successor Zhang Zhijun said, "The time is ripe for a visit to Taiwan." We hope that Zhang Zhijun can visit Taiwan as soon as possible.

Wang Yi is an old hand. One might say that with a single word he eliminated the bottleneck in current cross-Strait relations. The two sides still use ARATS and SEF as "white gloves," i.e., a middleman. This is the primary legal obstacle in the way of exchange visits by officials of the Taiwan Affairs Office and the MAC. The Taiwan Affairs Office and the MAC are "administrative authorities." Alas, administrative authority is rooted in sovereignty. The two parties do not recognize each other's administrative authority. Therefore they cannot recognize the Taiwan Affairs Office and Mainland Affairs Council. ARATS officials may be able to visit Mainland Affairs Council officials. MAC officials may be able to visit Taiwan Affairs Office officials. But such visits are all handled through "white gloves." Will Taiwan Affairs Office and Mainland Affairs Council officials be able to exchange visits and have personal contacts? If they can, it means the legal obstacles have been cleared away. They will then be able to shake hands without white gloves. The white gloves will have fulfilled their purpose.

The day Wang Yi retired he said, "The time is ripe for the Director of the Taiwan Task Office to visit Taiwan." He hoped that Zhang Zhijun, his successor, could make the trip as soon as possible. This was right on the mark. The Mainland Affairs Council responded positively. It said that time, personnel, and conditions permitting, it welcomed a cross-Strait visit. Since both sides are willing, Zhang Zhijun and Wang Yu Qi should visit each other as soon as possible.

Wang Yi said that over eight million cross-Strait visits are made each year. Over the past five years over 1500 provincial level delegations from the Mainland have visited Taiwan. Logically speaking, our side should be able to reciprocate. That is only reasonable. But Wang Yi knows that the most serious legal obstacle is the status quo. As Wang Yi noted, eight million people make cross-Strait visits a year. Over the past five years, over 1500 provincial level delegations have visited Taiwan. If the Taiwan Affairs Office and the MAC still cannot remove their "white gloves," then they are clearly being unreasonable. They are clearly engaging in posturing and deception.

Therefore, if Beijing wants Zhang Zhijun to visit to Taiwan, it must first remove the existing cross-Strait legal obstacles. This is something the two sides' administrative authorities must clear away before visits are possible. If visits ensue, it will be a major achievement in cross-Strait legal relations. It is only reasonable.

But Wang Yi appeared to hold back. He seemed to be saying that Zhang Zhijun could visit Taiwan only as a party official, as Director of the Taiwan Task Office. He seemed to be making a distinction between it and the Taiwan Affairs Office. Such distinctions are totally unnecessary. But if such distinctions enable Zhang Zhijun to visit as soon as possible, then the two sides should seize the opportunity, and not become mired in word games.

The Ma administration should be happy to see officials from the Taiwan Affairs Office visit. It would undoubtedly be a major breakthrough in cross-Strait legal principles and cross-Strait realpolitik. If officials from the Taiwan Affairs Office can come here, then officials from the Mainland Affairs Council can of course go there.

The Ma administration's main concern is public reaction. In 2008 ARATS Chairman Chen Yunlin came to Taiwan. The Taipei street scenes are still fresh in memories. But times have changed. Five years have gone by. The Democratic Progressive Party probably cannot get away with treating Zhang Zhijun the way they did Chen Yunlin. Zhang Zhijun coming here and Wang Yu Qi going there could mark a new era in cross-Strait relations. The DPP's cross-Strait policy must change with the times.

Wang Yi thinks that the time is ripe for the Director of the Taiwan Affairs Office, or Taiwan Task Office, as the case may be, to visit Taiwan. Zhang Zhijun is using this framework in his planning for cross-Strait offices. He is being cautious. The cross-Strait offices will be upgraded agencies of the Taiwan Affairs Office and Mainland Affairs Council. The role of the Taiwan Affairs Office and Mainland Affairs Council will be downgraded. In other words, he is moving to take off the white gloves.

On January 16, this newspaper published an editorial entitled "Cross-Strait Offices Should Take Off the White Gloves." It addressed just this issue. We hope the authorities on both sides will reread it. Here are some excerpts.

Our recommendations are as follows. When Beijing establishes its cross-Strait offices, it should refer to the 18th National Congress Political Report. The report urged "exploring of cross-strait political relations under special circumstances in which the two sides have yet to be reunified, and making fair and reasonable arrangements." The Ma administration can refer to the Preface of the Constitution as amended. The preface includes the phrase, "in response to the nation's need prior to reunification." Therefore the establishment of the cross-Strait offices should reflect four conditions. 1. The nation has yet to be reunified. 2. Special circumstances prevail. 3. The two sides are establishing political relations. 4. They will make fair and reasonable arrangements.

In other words, Taiwan Affairs Office and Mainland Affairs Council officials will exchange visits. The two sides will establish offices. They should "explore cross-Strait political relations under special circumstances in which the two sides have yet to be reunified, and make fair and reasonable arrangements." In essence, they should remove the white gloves. 

Wang Yi was a highly qualified Director for the Taiwan Affairs Office. His greatest achievement was "exploring cross-Strait political relations under special circumstances in which the two sides have yet to be reunified, and making fair and reasonable arrangements." This was his policy innovation. Today he is proposing that the Director of the Taiwan Affairs Office visit Taiwan. This too is part of his thinking. We hope his successor Zhang Zhijun will follow up on his initiatives.

On the evening before Wang Yi became Foreign Minister, the Foreign Ministry in Beijing issued some critical remarks about Taiwan-related aspects of the Tokyo March 11 memorial service and the election of the new Pope. Wang Yi said that although he had left the Taiwan Affairs Office, regardless of where he went (He went to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs) he would always worry about the people of Taiwan and feel a sense of responsibility toward them. These words are how we choose to remember Wang Yi's five years in office.

If we can conduct cross-Strait relations under the Big Roof Concept of China, even Foreign Minister Wang Yi visiting Taiwan is conceivable.

甩掉白手套：促成王郁琦、張志軍跨海互訪
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.03.19 04:12 am

五年來，王毅是稱職勝任的北京台辦主持人，也應是留給台灣人民不錯印象的台辦主任。他在周日卸任當天說：任內略有遺憾的是沒能去台灣訪問。

他為繼任者張志軍發聲說：中台辦主任（黨職，兼國台辦主任）的「訪台時機已大體成熟」，希望張志軍能「儘快」赴台訪問。

王毅誠為箇中老手，可謂一語道破了目前兩岸關係的瓶頸。兩岸迄今仍以海協會及海基會為「白手套」，這是國台辦及陸委會的主持官員不能互訪的主要「法理障礙」。因為，國台辦及陸委會皆是「治權機關」（治權源自主權），唯兩方在「法理上」不承認對方的「治權」，所以也在「法理上」應當互不承認國台辦與陸委會；因而，即使海協會人員來訪可見陸委會官員，而海基會人員往訪也可見國台辦官員，但這皆是透過「白手套」。如果今後國台辦與陸委會的官員可以互訪並親身接觸，應即表示：兩岸的「法理障礙」已經鬆緩或轉化，肉掌與肉掌已可相握，白手套也漸已「完成階段性任務」。

王毅在卸任當日拋出「中台辦主任訪台時機已大體成熟」的說法，並希望繼任的張志軍能儘快成行，這是一個切中肯綮的政策創見。此間陸委會亦有善意回應稱：在適當時機、身分與相關條件充分情況下，歡迎主管兩岸事務的負責人互訪。我們認為：既是「你有情、我有意」，即應及早儘速促成張志軍與王郁琦互訪。

王毅說：如今兩岸一年互訪人次已逾八百萬，而五年來已有一千五百多個「省部級訪問團」訪台，「按道理我也可以去」。這話說得「合情合理」，然而王毅自亦知，現狀最主要是出自前述「法理障礙」；但既然目前兩岸已如王毅所說每年八百萬人次往返，五年一千五百多個「省部團隊」訪台，而若國台辦及陸委會卻仍脫不掉「白手套」，這當然「按道理」也說不通。若非裝模作樣，即是自欺欺人。

所以，北京若要促成張志軍訪台，首須「按道理」把兩岸現存的「法理障礙」排除；這固然是兩岸涉台治權部門得以互訪的法理前提，而果若促成互訪，則亦是兩岸關係在法理及現實上的重大成就，何況「按道理」也應如此。

然而，王毅似也語帶保留，他好像是在說，張志軍將以黨職「中台辦主任」的身分訪台，而與其治權部門「國台辦主任」的兼職有所區隔。我們雖認為「按道理」大可不必如此，但若這層曲折有利於促成張志軍儘早來訪，雙方亦當珍惜並促成，不必再陷於文字遊戲。

其實，馬政府完全沒有不樂見國台辦官員來訪的理由，因為這毫無疑問將是兩岸關係在法理及現實上的重大突破及進展。而國台辦官員若能來，陸委會官員當然也能去。

馬政府主要的顧慮應是在社會反應。二○○八年海協會長陳雲林來台的台北街景記憶猶新；但畢竟如今已歷五年於茲的物換星移，我們想像民進黨今日已無可能用對待陳雲林的手法來「接待」張志軍。而張志軍的來訪及王郁琦的往訪，當可為兩岸關係標誌一個新紀元，民進黨的兩岸政策也必須與時俱進。

再進一步說，王毅既然認為國台辦（中台辦）主任訪台的時機已成熟，則張志軍亦可在這樣的思考架構下，進行兩岸互設辦事處的規劃。斟酌的方向是：應將兩岸辦事處作為國台辦、陸委會的派出機關之實質功能升高，而將之視作「兩會」派出機構的形式作用降低。也就是說，從大方向看，應當朝往「脫掉白手套」的方向思考。

本報一月十六日社論〈兩岸辦事處應當脫掉白手套〉一文，曾對此一議題有所申論，盼兩岸當局的有心人能拾回再看一次。茲用引號摘錄該篇社論略謂：

「我們的建議是：北京在研榷兩岸辦事處時，應可從十八大政治報告所指『探討尚未統一特殊情況下的兩岸政治關係，作出合情合理的安排』開始發想；而馬政府則可根據憲法增修條文序文所稱『為因應國家統一前的需要』啟動思考。於是，兩岸辦事處的設立，應當反映並滿足四個條件：一、國家尚未統一；二、特殊情況下的；三、兩岸政治關係；四、作出合情合理的安排。」

也就是說，從兩岸國台辦與陸委會官員互訪，至兩岸互設辦事處，皆應朝向「探討尚未統一特殊情況下的兩岸政治關係，作出合情合理的安排」去設想，大方向則是「脫掉白手套！」

王毅是一位稱職勝任的國台辦主持人。他任內最大的成就，即在參與「探討尚未統一特殊情況下的兩岸政治關係，作出合情合理的安排」之政策創新，如今他主張台辦主持人訪台，也應是出自此一思維脈絡；我們希望，繼任者張志軍在此一議題上能有承先啟後、繼往開來的表現。

就在王毅出任外交部長前夕，北京外交部突然爆出對東京三一一追悼會及教宗即位兩事涉台部分的尖銳評論。王毅說，他離開台辦，不管到什麼地方工作（他到了外交部），對台灣民眾都會多一分掛念、理解與責任；就憑這一段話，我們會記住這五年的台辦主任王毅。

其實，倘能在「大屋頂中國」下安排兩岸關係，甚至外交部長王毅來台訪問亦非不能想像。