Cross-Strait Relations Worth Looking Forward To

Cross-Strait Relations Worth Looking Forward To
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
June 17, 2013

Summary: According to participants who heard the General Secretary speak, "Cross-Strait reunification requires above all, a meeting of hearts and minds." The Mainland is willing to be patient. The Mainland is confident that cross-Strait exchanges will make people realize that peaceful development is the best for both sides. The Mainland realizes this. The Taiwan side should realize this as well. It must be more pragmatic and less prideful. In particular, it must not send contradictory messages. Eventually a peaceful resolution for cross-Strait issues will be found.

Full Text below:

Mainland President Xi Jinping recently met with U.S. President Barack Obama at the Sunnylands Estate in Rancho Mirage, California. They discussed the establishment of a new superpower relationship. General Secretary Xi Jinping later met in Beijing with Honorary Kuomintang Chairman Wu Poh-hsiung. Wu said the talks between the two sides will eliminate many misunderstandings. Xi said they helped him better understand Ma Ying-jeou's position. The talks were cordial. Both sides held their ground, but also demonstrated their goodwill. They agreed on gradual, peaceful development. They agreed to expand relations. Does this mean that both sides are attempting to establish a new cross-Strait relationship? If it does, we approve.

Questions continue to haunt the recent Wu Xi talks. Which side initiated the talks? Which side agreed to them? How were the time, location, and attendees determined? Was the meeting duly authorized? What issues were discussed? Why did President Ma make so many public statements before the meeting? What about the content of his speech, and its emphasis? Whom exactly was he addressing? The public on Taiwan? The Mainland authorities? Or the international community? Why did President Ma give Wu Poh-hsiung's trip his special blessing? Why, by contrast, did he disassociate himself from the earlier trip by Honorary KMT Chairman Lien Chan? Were there political calculations outsiders are not privy to? .

Whatever the answers to these questions might be, the Wu Xi meeting sent the world a powerful political message. Both sides place a high value on the relationship. Peaceful development will continue, based on the one China framework. Cross-Strait relations may expand. Indirect cross-Strait political dialogue has already begun. Neither side wants outsiders to misunderstand. Wu Poh-hsiung and Xi Jinping repeated President Ma Ying-jeou and the CCP Central Committee's words verbatim.

During the talks, Xi Jinping set forth four views on cross-Strait relations. He began with the nation as a whole, and a strategy for national development. He reaffirmed the nature of cross-Strait relations. He reaffirmed national sovereignty and territorial integrity. He reaffirmed the goal of national reinvigoration. He reiterated opposition to Taiwan independence, and to separatist ideas and activities. He called for greater mutual trust, greater efforts to seek common ground, for greater pragmatism and a more positive attitude. This reflects how we, the Chinese people, value essentials over details, and principles over particulars. This underscores the importance we place on consistency in our thinking. During bilateral negotiations, the two sides must first clarify the fundamentals. Only then can they address the specifics.

Consider the specifics. The Taiwan side raised the matter of participation in international activities. Xi Jinping said the two sides agreed in principle to reduce internal friction on foreign issues. He said both sides should meet as equals. The Taiwan side can be specific about its actual needs. Xi Jinping was precise in his wording. He did not use the word "diplomacy," which implies that the two parties are sovereign countries. He spoke only of international events, not organizations. He implied that Taipei should not attempt to introduce outside forces into the equation, or make unilateral demands, even as it refused to consult with the Mainland. The CCP believes the following. One. The two sides must not give the outside world the impression that there are "two Chinas" or that there is an independent Taiwan. Two. The two sides must not tolerate foreign intervention or foreign pressure. Three. The two sides must comply with the statutes of international organizations. The CCP still insists on dealing with cases on an individual basis for the forseeable future.

Honorary KMT Chairman Wu Poh-hsiung issued seven views. These were things that President Ma Ying-jeou should do, must do, and can do. Under the current system, we in the Republic of China, champion a one China framework. Wu affirmed that cross-Strait relations are not state to state relations. Wu addressed the expansion of relations at all levels under ECFA, Taiwan's participation in regional economic organizations, and the establishment of cross-Strait representative offices. These reflect both public opinion on Taiwan and the government's current direction. We applaud their resolute posture.

Honorary KMT Chairman Wu said Taiwan wants meaningful participation in international activities, and the promotion of a cross-Strait educational protocol. In the past, Taiwan demanded participation in international organizations rather than international activities. The Government often sent different signals on cross-Strait educational and cultural agreements. This left people confused. Wu Poh-hsiung's statements however, were authorized by President Ma. We know they are offiical government policy. Taiwan may have learned from past experience. Perhaps it knows that participation in international activities is more important than participation in international organizations. Perhaps it has learned that cultural and educational activities may be the best way to foster a shared perspective and to resolve cross-Strait alienation. Over the next three years, we will be regularly reviewing the effectiveness of the government's policies.

Finally, this newspaper would like to reiterate its past conclusions. Beijing probably has many expectations. But it has already concluded that no solution is possible in the short term. It hopes to create the conditions required for the eventual resolution of the divided China problem. According to participants who heard the General Secretary speak, "Cross-Strait reunification requires above all, a meeting of hearts and minds." The Mainland is willing to be patient. The Mainland is confident that cross-Strait exchanges will make people realize that peaceful development is the best for both sides. The Mainland realizes this. The Taiwan side should realize this as well. It must be more pragmatic and less prideful. In particular, it must not send contradictory messages. Eventually a peaceful resolution for cross-Strait issues will be found.
   
中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2013.06.17
社論－建構新型兩岸關係值得期待
本報訊

    　繼日前大陸國家主席習近平與美國總統歐巴馬於加州舉行莊園峰會，暢談建立新型大國關係之後，習近平總書記隨即又在北京會見到訪的國民黨榮譽主席吳伯雄。吳伯雄說此次會談消除了雙方很多的誤解，習近平也說增加了對馬英九的理解。會談氣氛融洽、雙方都堅守立場，但也展現了善意，同意本著和平發展的主軸，用漸進的方式，進一步深化、廣化彼此之間的關係。如果這意味著雙方正在努力構建新型的兩岸關係，我們對此持積極、鼓勵的態度。

    　這次吳、習會談是由何方主動、誰是被動、會面時機、地點的選擇、隨行團員的安排、是否經過充分授權、討論的議題，馬總統為何在行前特別予以接見，並且公開發表談話，談話的內容與用字遣詞的強弱、發言的對象到底是台灣民眾、大陸當局或國際社會，馬總統又為何會對吳伯雄此行特別給予加持，卻對稍早連戰榮譽主席的大陸之行強力切割，其中確實有太多值得探究的問題，或許還有一些不足為外人道的精密算計與政治考量，其實都可以成為各界觀察研究的課題。

    　不論如何，這次吳、習會的本身就給外界一個強烈的政治訊息：兩岸雙方都極度重視彼此之間的關係，在一中框架（台灣用語為一中架構）的基礎上，和平發展的政策將會持續下去，兩岸關係的發展有進一步深化的各種可能，兩岸的間接政治對話已然啟動，但雙方也都不希望給外界任何錯誤解讀的空間，這可由吳伯雄與習近平兩人，分別拿出經由馬英九主席及中共中央的定稿逐字照念，字斟句酌的謹慎動作得到證實。

    　在這次會談中，習近平提出兩岸關係四點意見，基本上都是先從民族整體利益及國家發展的戰略格局出發，比如說先確定兩岸的關係與定位，堅持維護國家領土主權的完整，追求民族的偉大復興，反對、遏制台獨分裂的主張和活動，然後再進一步要求雙方增進互信、求同存異、務實進取、良性互動。這反映出我們中國人認為綱舉而目張，原則重於枝節、講概念重於講方法的一貫思維。兩岸在談判的過程中，雙方都有先確立基本原則，再談具體事務的情形。

    　在具體事務上，在回應台灣方面所提有關參與國際活動問題時，習近平原則同意雙方在涉外事物上要減少內耗，提到兩岸應該平等協商，台灣可以具體表明自己的實際需求。習近平用字精準，並未使用隱涵主權國家意味的外交二字，只談國際活動未談組織，暗示台北不宜引進外力、片面提出要求，但又拒絕與大陸協商解決。中共的立場是，一不要給外界造成兩個中國或台灣獨立的印象，二不接受外國的干預和壓力，三要合乎各該國際組織的章程。中共今後仍是個案、逐年處理，仍有所堅持。

    　再談到吳伯雄榮譽主席提出的七點意見，這同樣也就是馬英九總統今後應做、要做、能做的事情，其中先提到了在中華民國現行體制下，我們對一中架構的自我堅持，確定兩岸絕非國與國的關係之後，然後再觸及後ECFA時期如何深化、廣化兩岸各個層面的交流，台灣參與區域經濟組織，雙方互設辦事處等等問題。這些基本上都反映了台灣的民意及政府當前努力的方向，我們對此有為有守的立場抱持肯定、支持的態度。

    　於此，我們要特別一提的是，吳榮譽主席提到，台灣希望有意義的參與國際活動，推動兩岸教育協議。過去，台灣慣常主張的是參與國際組織，而非國際活動，而政府對於兩岸簽署教育及文化協議也常釋出不同的訊息，讓人莫衷一是。如今吳伯雄的談話既然經過馬主席的授權，我們就認定這是政府的既定政策，台灣或許由過去的經驗學到了教訓，或許知道參與國際活動重於參加組織，而透過文化及教育來建構兩岸同胞命運共同體的認知，更是解決兩岸疏離的最佳之道。未來三年，我們將不時以此來做為檢驗政府施政的成效與誠信。

    　最後，我們要重申本報過去的判斷，北京雖然在主觀上有很多的期望，但已能理性面對兩岸暫時無解的困境，希望在可控制範圍內，先行創造條件，為將來解決問題尋找破解之道。據與會人士轉述習總書記的講話，「兩岸形式的統一更要心靈的契合」，大陸會耐心的等待，大陸有信心隨著兩岸的交流，人民會更了解和平發展是兩岸最大的利益。大陸如此，台灣亦當如是。多做實事，少說大話，尤其不要釋出前後矛盾的訊息，兩岸問題終有和平解決的一天。