Must President Ma Double as Party Chairman?

Must President Ma Double as Party Chairman?
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
June 23, 2013

Summary: Does "President Ma" need "Chairman Ma" as his wingman? That is a matter of opinion. But the more desperate Chairman Ma's appeals are for party support, the more President Ma will be revealed as politically weak. For Ma Ying-jeou to be re-elected party chairman is a simple matter. The real question is whether he is able to offer the government and the ruling party a bright new future.

Full Text below:

Kao Yu-jen blasted Ma Ying-jeou, calling him incompetent. Nevertheless Ma Ying-jeou has registered as a candidate in the upcoming election for KMT chairman. In response to the charge of incompetence, he angrily declared "If one says we have not worked hard enough, and need to redouble our efforts, we humbly agree. But some are accusing us of ulterior motives. That is totally unacceptable!"

The "lame duck effect" has taken effect surprisingly soon after the president's re-election. It has taken effect even sooner than it did for Chen Shui-bian, whom the public rejected for corruption. This is something Ma Ying-jeou probably did not expect. His abysmal 18% approval rating follows him around like a black cloud. Externally the U.S. Chamber of Commerce has urged him to rescue a sluggish economy. Internally implacable party elders are blasting him mercilessly. Policies he promoted, such as 12 year compulsory education, the capital gains tax, cross-Strait negotiations on service industries, have all stalled. President Ma has been feeling pressure from without and within. One thing is especially puzzling, President Ma has failed to implement administration policy. Why then is he so attached to the party chairmanship? Why is he clinging to the post of party chairman?

A Chinese expression "chicken rib theory," describes how someone chewing on chicken ribs may discover that they are not worth the effort, but he may nevertheless be unwilling to spit them out because he is embarrassed. The expression may not apply to Ma Ying-jeou's situation. The "lame duck effect" is beginning to kick in. Therefore Ma Ying-jeou probably needs the party more than ever. President Ma is aggressively seeking the party chairmanship. This can be viewed from two angles. One. Consider the state of the nation. Party discipline within the KMT has long been lax. Suppose President Ma relinquishes control of the party machinery? Popularly-elected KMT officials will be more difficult to control than wild horses. The Ma administration's ability to govern will be crippled, It will find it difficult for it to get anything done. Therefore, he must remain in command of the party. He must maintain control of both the government and the party.

Two. Consider Ma Ying-jeou's political status. The KMT chairmanship has a four year term. Suppose Ma Ying-jeou is elected? He will remain party chairman for more than one year, even after stepping down as president. That is to say, after he steps down as president, in 2016, he can continue using his status as KMT Chairman to influence events, both inside and outside the party. This will extend the president's influence beyond his term as president, particularly in cross-Strait relations. High-level political exchanges may still involve many sensitive issues. If Ma Ying-jeou remains party chairman, it may help him conduct leadership-level exchanges with the other side on international issues such as APEC. The importance of his role as party chairman can clearly be imagined.

Ma Ying-jeou issued two statements before the KMT Central Standing Committee. One. He said running for the post was "not merely a responsibility, but a mission." Two. He said, "We must do much more to promote reform. We need the government and the party to work closely together." His statements sounded reasonable. But they could not overcome the doubts in many people's minds. Ma Ying-jeou assumed the KMT leadership in 2005. Subtract the two years during which he resigned over Discretionary Fund allegations. He has been party chairman for six years. At the zenith of his popularity he failed to break the deadlock within the KMT and transform the party's character. Now he is a lame duck. He may be president as well as party chairman. But has he governed any better? Has he yielded better results?

Such doubts are far from unwarrranted. Ma Ying-jeou is still holding forth on "using the party to address the government's shortcomings." This alone shows that he remains clueless about where the problem in his own governance lies. Those elected President of the Republic of China, from Lee Teng-hui to Chen Shui-bian, have exercised both governmental and party authority. They did not need to double as party chairman to exercise effective leadership. Providing one properly masters presidential power, party comrades will naturally follow one's lead. The problem with Ma Ying-jeou lies in his irresolute decision-making. This is a direct consequence of his lack of core convictions. He constantly flip-flops. He allows the enemy camp to take advantage of him. He even inspires widespread discontent inside the Blue camp. He must arrive at decisions more boldly. He must rehabilitate his image as a leader. Otherwise, even if he is re-elected party chairman, it will do nothing to bolster either his ability to govern or his approval ratings.

Party elder Kao Yu-jen blasted Ma Ying-jeou. In terms of political ethics, such criticism may have been inappropriate. But his sentiments are shared by many inside the party. President Ma may find allegations of "ulterior motives" unacceptable. But he cannot deny that the public is dissatisfied with his governance. May 20 was the anniversary of President Ma's re-election. On that day, this newspaper pointed out that President Ma's historical legacy depends upon a 2016 election victory. He must ensure continued Kuomintang rule. If yet another change in ruling parties takes place, he will forfeit his historical legacy. Consider his situation today. President Ma's approval ratings have hit rock bottom. The ruling party lacks fighting ability and solidarity. Yet Ma is seeking the party chairmanship, for the next four years. Suppose he succeeds? Without soul-searching and innovation, the administration and the party will labor in vain.

Does "President Ma" need "Chairman Ma" as his wingman? That is a matter of opinion. But the more desperate Chairman Ma's appeals are for party support, the more President Ma will be revealed as politically weak. For Ma Ying-jeou to be re-elected party chairman is a simple matter. The real question is whether he is able to offer the government and the ruling party a bright new future.

馬總統為何非要兼任黨主席？
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.06.23 10:12 am

在高育仁砲轟「無能」的硝煙中，馬英九登記參選下屆國民黨主席。為此，他作了一番略帶怒氣的宣示：「說我們努力不夠，還需要再加強，我們虛心接受；但有人說我們有私心，這一點我們完全不能接受！」

連任總統的「跛鴨效應」來得如此之快，甚至比當年貪瀆無狀的陳水扁更早遭到民意拋棄，恐怕是馬英九始料未及。十八趴的低民意支持如影隨形，外有美國商會對經濟不振的急切敦促，內有黨內大老無法按捺的抨擊，加上十二年國教、證所稅、兩岸服務業談判等各項政策推動的困頓，應都讓馬總統感到內外交迫。而令人好奇的是，如果馬總統連「政」的這塊施政都照顧不過來，他為何仍汲汲留戀於「黨」的職位，非要兼任黨主席不可？

若用「雞肋理論」去解釋馬英九此刻的心情，未必中的；事實上，正因「跛鴨作用」發酵，馬英九此刻恐怕比以往任何時候更需要這個黨。馬總統積極競取黨主席職位，可以從兩個角度觀察。其一，從國家治理的需要看：國民黨內部本來一向紀律不彰，馬總統一旦此刻鬆手黨機器，黨內──尤其民意代表更將如脫韁野馬般難以控制；而馬政府施政也將更受掣肘，難以作為。因此，他必須將黨的指揮權握在手上，黨政雙鞭齊下。

其二，從馬英九個人的政治角色看：國民黨主席任期一屆四年，馬英九如當選，主席職權將延續到他卸任總統後的一年多。亦即，他二○一六卸下總統職務後，還可利用國民黨主席的身分繼續發揮內外影響力，這是總統影響力的延長戰。尤其，在兩岸關係上，當高層政治交流仍頗多顧忌，馬英九保有黨主席身分，可方便他在諸如ＡＰＥＣ之類的國際場合與對岸進行領袖級的會晤與交流。這點，黨主席的角色便留下莫大想像空間。

那天，馬英九在中常會上徐徐告白，一則稱繼續參選「是責任，也是使命」，二則說「我們還有許多改革要繼續推動，還需要我們政府和黨密切合作……」云云，聽起來皆言之成理。然而，這些都掩不住人們心中的一個疑問：馬英九從二○○五年領導國民黨至今，扣除其間因特別費案辭職的兩年，已長達六年之久；為何在他聲望如日中天之際，未能突破黨政的糾纏並改造國民黨的體質？而如今臨屆跛鴨，就算總統身兼主席，真的更能裨益施政、拿出作為嗎？

這樣的質疑，並非苛責。事實上，只要看馬英九還在高談「以黨輔政」，即可知他尚不明瞭自己的統御問題出在哪裡。以中華民國民選總統的領導權威，從李登輝到陳水扁看，都可以直貫黨政；總統未必需要黨政雙駕，才足以有效領導。亦即，總統若能妥善掌握執政核心，自能號令黨內同志的效力和追隨。而馬英九的問題，就在於他對執政核心決策的掌控不足，經常搖擺，不僅讓在野陣營有機可乘，更屢屢連藍軍內部都異聲四起。如果他不能強化自己的決策模式，重振自己的領導威望，就算順利連任黨主席，也無助於鞏固其施政能力與民意支持。

高育仁以大老身分對馬英九重砲批評，就政治倫理而言，或難謂恰當；但那番話，恐怕也說出了黨內不少人的心聲。馬總統可以不接受其「有私心」的指控，卻無法否認民眾對他施政滿意度偏低的事實。本報在五二○馬總統連任周年的系列社論中曾指出，馬總統的歷史定位必須奠基於二○一六大選的勝利，若他無法順利協助國民黨繼續執政，又發生政黨輪替的話，他的歷史定位也就失去憑藉。然則，以今天的情勢觀察，馬總統自己的民意評價低迷，而執政黨的整體戰力和團結又呈現失焦亂序狀態；他要爭取未來四年的黨主席職務，即使如願，若沒有一番深刻反省及嶄新作為，恐怕對政、對黨都是徒然。

「馬總統」的本尊需不需要帶著「馬主席」的影子並肩而行，見仁見智。必須提醒的是，越是要回頭訴求「黨」的支持，就越顯示馬總統「政」的角色虛弱。馬英九要連任黨主席其實易如反掌，問題在他如何帶領整個政府及執政黨幫台灣打出漂亮的新氣象