A Little President, A Great Divide

A Little President, A Great Divide
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
March 12, 2008

Frank Hsieh has declared that he has a "Great Mission" to fulfill. He has also promised that if elected he will be a "Little President" or a "Passive President." Will he really?

The KMT has won over two-thirds of the seats in the Legislative Yuan. The Blue camp has won over three-quarters of the seats. This presents Frank Hsieh's presidential campaign with a dilemma. On the one hand, he must maintain a low profile, insisting that he would "relinquish executive power" and be a "Passive President." Otherwise, voters will be afraid that he will make trouble and not vote for him. On the other hand, he must maintain a high profile, stressing the "checks and balances" he would provide as a "Defender of Taiwan," as a man with a "Great Mission." He must underscore his irreconcilable differences with Ma Ying-jeou on major political issues. He must rattle the cages to win voter support.

A "Passive President" and "Aggressive Checks and Balances" are mutually contradictory, as are a "Little President" and a "Grand Mission." No matter how you look at it, if Frank Hsieh is elected he will not be either a "Little President" or a "Passive President." He will not allow the KMT to form a cabinet. He, like Chen Shui-bian before him, will insist on forming a DPP-led "minority government."

First. If Hsieh is elected, and the voter turnout is over 50%, the result will be spun as a "New Mandate." The DPP will argue that "checks and balances" are the supreme value. The DPP will argue that the public wants President Hsieh to "check and balance" the KMT's "Old Mandate" and destroy the KMT's "One Party Monopoly." Second. If Hsieh is elected, the DPP will assert that the public expects the DPP to "Defend Taiwan" and to "Rectify Names and Author a New Constitution." If President Hsieh does not wield executive power, how will he fulfill his "Grand Mission?" Third. If President Hsieh permits the KMT to form a Cabinet, that amounts to turning over the nation's political resources, including official positions and control of the state coffers, over to the KMT. How can the DPP, which demands its share of the booty, possibly tolerate or consent to this? Fourth. The Constitution stipulates that the president has the power to appoint the premier, without the consent of the legislature. If a President Hsieh were to insist that the Green Camp form a minority government, he would merely be complying with the constition. Fifth. Most important of all, Frank Hsieh is adept at political intrigue. He is highly combative. He is simply not the passive type. If over 50 per cent of the "New Mandate" makes him president, he simply will not allow the KMT to control the executive branch of government.

Frank Hsieh may promise to "relinquish executive power" and be a "Passive President" now. But once elected, he simply would not allow the KMT to form a cabinet. He simply would not be content to remain a "Little President." What Hsieh has in mind is a: Hsieh presidency + Pan Green cabinet + minority government + Kuomintang majority in the legislature + Pan Green supporters exerting political pressure by demonstrating in the streets.

The most likely political scenario at the moment is: Frank Hsieh's minority government will form a tag team with Pan Green demonstrators in the streets. Together they will conduct coordinated pincers attacks against the KMT and the Pan Blue majority legislature. They will attempt to coerce or induce a KMT/Pan Blue camp collapse. If President Hsieh permits the KMT to form a cabinet, how can he possibly "deconstruct" it?

After Frank Hsieh declared that he would be a "Passive President," he escalated his confrontation with the Blue camp. He adopted positions diametrically opposed to the Blue camp on virtually every issue. He floated a new slogan: "A Little President cannot shoulder Great Responsibilities." The prospect of Hsieh allowing the KMT to form a cabinet immediately took a major hit. After all, if Hsieh hands executive power over to the KMT, how can President Hsieh obstruct the KMT's "Twelve Pro-Taiwan Construction Projects?" How can he promote his "Prompt Rectification of Names and Authoring of a New Constitution?"

If Frank Hsieh is elected president, it won't matter whether he allows the KMT to form a cabinet. His election will inevitably lead to a "Great Schism" within the nation and society. If the KMT is allowed to form a cabinet, the result would be divided government with a Frank Hsieh presidency, a KMT Cabinet, and a KMT legislature. If the KMT is not allowed to form a cabinet, the result would be divided government with a Frank Hsieh presidency, minority government, and a KMT legislature. Hsieh's personal character and the DPP's party character mean there is no chance the Kuomintang will be allowed to form a cabinet. When the time comes, the DPP will do everything possible to destroy the three-fourths majority that the Blue camp enjoys within the legislature. It will stop at nothing to rip society apart. Taiwan will be relegated to political hell.

Frank Hsieh will not be content to remain a "Passive President." The DPP will not allow him to remain a "Little President." If Hsieh is elected, Taiwan will suffer the inevitable consequences.

A Little President? No chance. A Great Divide? Count on it.

豈有小總統？ 台灣大撕裂！
【聯合報╱社論】
2008.03.12 03:32 am

宣稱肩負「大使命」的謝長廷倘若當選，真的會當一個「小總統」或「消極總統」嗎？

國民黨在立院贏得逾三分之二席次，若以泛藍計則逾四分之三，這使得競選總統的謝長廷陷入兩難。一方面，他必須放低姿態，宣稱將「釋出行政權」，做一個「消極總統」；否則，選民怕他當選後會作亂，不敢選他。但是，另一方面，他卻又拉高姿態，強調「制衡」，標舉「守護台灣」，宣示他負有「大使命」，並在重大政見上與馬英九展開勢不兩立的鬥爭，意圖藉此激發選情的動能，贏得選民的支持。

「消極總統」與「積極制衡」相互矛盾，「小總統」與「大使命」也兩相牴觸。從各種角度來看，謝長廷若當選皆未必會做一個「小總統」或「消極總統」。也就是說，屆時他未必會答應由國民黨組閣，而可能如陳水扁一般，仍堅持組成由民進黨主導的「少數政府」。理由如下：

一、謝若當選，得票率必超過五十％，這是「新民意」；可以解釋為，民意認為「制衡」是至高的價值，希望謝總統掌握行政權，來「制衡」國民黨贏得國會多數的「舊民意」，以解構國民黨的「一黨獨大」。二、同理，謝若當選，亦可解讀為選民對其「守護台灣」、「正名制憲」之付託；謝總統若不掌握行政權，如何實踐其「大使命」？三、謝總統若聽由國民黨組閣，形同將全部政治資源，包括官位及國庫，悉數交給國民黨操作，這豈是勢必要求分一杯羹的民進黨人所能容忍及同意？四、何況，憲法明定，總統擁有行政院長之任命權，無需國會同意；謝總統堅持由綠營組成「少數政府」，只是遵憲而行。五、最重要的是，謝長廷擅長權謀，鬥性十足，絕非「消極」之人，倘以五十％以上的「新民意」當選總統，豈能容國民黨掌控「最高行政機關」？

也就是說，謝長廷雖在此時宣示將作一個「釋出行政權」的「消極總統」；但在當選後，頗不可能聽由國民黨組閣，而甘為「小總統」。謝總統的統治架構極可能是：謝長廷總統＋綠色內閣＋少數政府＋國民黨佔多數的國會＋綠營的街頭運動。

屆時可能出現的政治景象是：謝長廷總統的少數政府，與綠營的街頭運動，兩頭包夾國民黨及泛藍占多數的國會，並嘗試以威迫利誘瓦解泛藍及國民黨。謝總統倘若聽由國民黨組閣，即不易解構國民黨。

謝長廷在宣示將做一個「消極總統」之後，卻一路將藍綠政見的對立升高到幾乎完全背道而馳的地步，並同時提出了「不是小總統／肩負大使命」的新口號；這使得謝總統交由國民黨組閣的可能性更加降低。否則，倘若將行政權交給國民黨，謝總統如何實現其反對「愛台十二項建設」的政見？又如何推動其「及早正名制憲」的政見？

謝長廷若當選總統，無論是否交由國民黨組閣，皆必將造成國家社會的「大撕裂」。倘若交由國民黨組閣，即形成「謝長廷總統／國民黨內閣／國民黨國會」的大撕裂；倘不交由國民黨組閣，即形成「謝長廷總統／少數政府／國民黨國會」的大撕裂。且就謝長廷的人格特質，及民進黨的政黨性格而言，其不交由國民黨組閣的可能性猶大於交出組閣權的可能性；屆時，民進黨橫柴入灶，必將千方百計撕裂泛藍居四分之三的國會，又不擇手段地撕裂社會，台灣恐將淪為政治煉獄。

謝長廷絕非甘為「消極總統」之人，民進黨也絕無可能讓他當「小總統」，謝若當選，撕裂台灣將是必然的後果。

豈有小總統？台灣大撕裂！