One China, Different Expressions and the Cross-Strait Tango

One China, Different Expressions and the Cross-Strait Tango
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
March 28, 2008

Ma Ying-jeou and Vincent Siew have won the election. If the international media is in agreement about anything, it is that cross-strait relations will improve.

Actually this is merely a gut feeling, merely a hope, an attempt to turn desire into reality. Authorities on both sides have a lot of work to do. After all, it takes two to tango.

First, an equitable framework must be established. The mutually acceptable basis is the 1992 Consensus that entails One China, Different Expressions. Taipei has been saying One China, Different Expressions. Beijing has been saying Different Expressions of One China. But at least Beijing does not feel compelled to openly repudiate Taipei's One China, Different Expressions. It might be best to use the term 1992 Consensus as an umbrella for One China, Different Expressions and Different Expressions of One China. Each side can then have its own version as long as they do not openly disagree.

On this matter, Beijing must adopt a more tolerant policy. Cross-strait relations have been based on maintaining the status quo. Even Beijing's anti-secession law merely opposes de jure Taiwan independence. It cannot deny the existence of the Republic of China. After 20 years of cross-strait struggle, Beijing must admit that without the Republic of China there is no status quo. To maintain the status quo, one must maintain the existence of the Republic of China.

In the past, audiences at international matches held by the Republic of China were not allowed to wave ROC flags. This prohibition has been nullified by the practical impossibility of enforcement. Subtle developments such as these are beneficial to the development of One China, Different Expressions, and conducive to maintaining the status quo. Ma Ying-jeou has called for a diplomatic truce. Beijing's response will be an indicator of its willingness to respect the Republic of China's diplomatic space. If Beijing wants to maintain the status quo, it must not push Taipei too far.

Beijing's must relate to Taipei on the basis of One China, Different Expressions. If it fails to do so, Ma Ying-jeou will be unable to improve cross-strait relations. Once Ma Ying-jeou becomes president, he will have to consider three points. First, he must not casually propose arrangements such as his Cross-Strait Common Market. Instead he should first create an improved framework for interaction by opening up Three Links and Direct Flights. Lee Teng-hui trotted out his National Unification Guidelines years ago. The embarrassing result was a one man show. He could neither go forward or go back. Second, Ma must continue enhancing Taiwan's international trade role. He must help transform Taiwan into an Asia-Pacific Operational Center. Improved cross-strait relations will facilitate this goal. Cross-strait relations will then have a more solid foundation. Third, once Ma Ying-jeou becomes president, he must use "language appropriate to one's position" when making cross-strait comments.

Toward the end of his election campaign, Ma Ying-jeou issued a statement on Tibet. In terms of election strategy it was perhaps unavoidable. But calling Beijing "arrogant and stupid" was excessive. Stopping at "brutal and irrational" would have been more appropriate. Once Ma Ying-jeou becomes president, he must exercise discretion when referring to the Tiananmen Incident, Falun Gong protests, and Tibetan independence. After all, authorities on both sides must maintain a "hands off" policy regarding the others' "internal affairs." Neither side must allow the other to use its remarks for "internal consumption." Both must use "language appropriate to one's position." Otherwise, we are in no position to criticize Lee Teng-hui's remark that "No matter how big the Chinese Communists are, they can't be any bigger than my ****."

It takes two to Tango. if Beijing is unwilling to see a resurgence of pro-Taiwan independence sentiment, it must maintain a "Republic of China status quo." If Taipei hopes that cross-strait interaction will improve Taiwan's political and economic situation, it must not cling to the notion that "The mainland owes Taiwan." This is an opportunity for the two sides to improve relations. Authorities on both sides should avoid pointless controversy over political symbolism. First open up Three Links and Direct Flights. Establish a bridge. After all, the bridge is more important than its name.

Taiwan lifted martial law 20 years ago. In response to democracy, the mainland has undergone 30 years of liberalization and reform. It has returned to the grass roots. Authorities on both sides must recognize their responsibility to the people, the masters of the Chinese nation. If both sides fail to maintain the status quo, they will suffer the consequences. The music is playing. The world is watching. Let the cross-strait Tango begin.

一中各表‧兩岸探戈
【聯合報╱社論】
2008.03.28 02:37 am

馬蕭勝選，全球重要媒體的論評皆指出：兩岸關係將獲改善。

其實，這只是直覺，或者只是期盼；若要化作真實，仍須兩岸當局投注極大努力。畢竟，要兩個人才能跳探戈！

首先應當確立對等架構。「九二共識／一中各表」應是雙方必須接受的基礎；儘管台北一直說「一中各表」，北京迄今認係「各表一中」，但北京至少不必正面否認台北的「一中各表」。不妨就用「九二共識」來包容「一中各表」及「各表一中」，兩方各說各話，但皆不表異議即可。

在這一方面，北京必須營造較大的空間。兩岸關係走到今天，既以「維持現狀」為主軸，《反分裂國家法》亦只是反對「法理台獨」而已，即不能不面對中華民國的存在。經歷近二十年來的兩岸角力，北京必須承認：無中華民國即無現狀，要維持現狀就須維持中華民國。

例如，過去在台灣舉行的國際球賽亦不容觀眾攜中華民國國旗，但這項禁忌如今已被現實演變所破解。這類點點滴滴的微妙變化，應皆有益於「一中各表」的發展，亦有益於「維持現狀」。再如，馬英九呼籲「外交休兵」，這也將是北京是否尊重台灣外交空間的重要指標；北京若欲「維持現狀」，就不能逼人太甚。

北京必須至少在兩岸內部默認「一中各表」，倘非如此，恐怕馬英九會失去改善兩岸關係的空間。然而，相對而言，馬英九就任總統後，在處理兩岸關係時，亦宜有三點思考：一、不宜隨便畫「兩岸共同市場」之類的大餅，而應先多作些改善「互動架構」如三通直航的基本功。李登輝當年端出「國統綱領」，結果落得自拉自唱、進退維谷，可為殷鑑。二、仍應以創造台灣的國際經貿角色為主目標，如建設台灣為亞太平台，而以改善兩岸關係為促成此一目標的條件；如此兩岸關係始可能建構在更堅實的基石上。三、馬英九就任總統後，在發表關於兩岸的評論時，應斟酌其「角色語言」。

關於「角色語言」，可用馬英九在選季後期的「西藏談話」為例。馬英九當時的「西藏談話」，在選舉戰略上是不得不然，但無論如何恐怕皆多了「自大愚蠢」四字，若能說到「蠻橫無理」就打住，省去那四個字的贅語，也許就差不多了。馬英九接任總統後，對六四、法輪功、西藏等評論皆應謹慎；畢竟，兩岸當局對彼此的「內政」皆應維持距離，尤其必須避免以對方內政為內部的政治消費。這是「角色語言」的斟酌，否則如何批評李登輝說的「中共再大也不如我老爸大」？

要兩個人才能跳探戈。兩岸關係走到今日，北京若不願見台獨運動回潮，自須「維持」以「中華民國」為脊柱的「現狀」；台北若希望藉兩岸互動來改善台灣的政經處境，亦不可有「大陸欠台灣」的幻想。因此，在這雙方關係出現改善契機的時刻，兩岸當局應當節制在政治符號上的無謂爭議，先將三通直航的橋搭起來再說，畢竟橋的本身總比橋的名字來得實際吧！

台灣解嚴二十年，回應民主；大陸改革開放三十年，回歸民本。兩岸當局倘能相互體認各自對於民主及民本的責任，即知兩岸關係倘若失去「現狀」，對雙方皆將是難以收拾的災難。樂聲響起，全世界皆在注視這一場兩岸探戈即將開舞！