To the DPP: Come Home!

To the DPP: Come Home!
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
March 24, 2008

The election results have been announced, and Taiwan is off to a new start. We hope the KMT, which has regained political power, will correct the nation's forward course. Even more importantly, we hope the Democratic Progressive Party, which is again in the opposition, will correct its forward course and the direction in which it attempts to lead the masses.

The DPP's course correction may be even more important than the KMT's. Put simply, the KMT's future course should be the "Republic of China" path. Alas, the DPP persists in following its "Rectification of Names and Authoring of a New Constitution" and "Nation of Taiwan" path. The 2008 Presidential Election was a showdown between the two paths. If in the wake of the election the Democratic Progressive Party's path remains unchanged, if the struggle between the two paths continues, the only difference will be that the ruling and opposition parties will have swapped places. In that case, Taiwan will continue to be a "carriage with horses at both ends," pulling in different directions. Its chassis will be pulled apart. Its direction will remain conflicted.

In the aftermath of the election, the DPP must re-examine its future path. It must also decide its future leaders. The DPP's first priority must be to clarify its sense of national identity. Only then can it determine whom its future leaders should to be, and what path it should follow.

Blue camp campaign rallies were, as in the past, a sea of red, white, and blue Republic of China flags. At Green camp campaign rallies, on the other hand, not a single Republic of China flag can be found. Eight years ago, when the Democratic Progressive Party was in the opposition, this was understandable. But eight years later, with the DPP in office, such scenes are incomprehensible. Every morning the Chen Shui-bian presidential office raises the national flag. For the past eight years, officials of the Pan Green ruling regime have been living off the earnings of Republic of China taxpayers. Yet the DPP persists in insulting the Republic of China, repudiating the Republic of China, refusing to wave the Republic of China flag. It persists in promoting the "Rectification of Names and the Authoring of a New Constitution." How can a nation withstand such divisions? How can it not spin its wheels?

Yesterday's editorial noted that the Democratic Progressive Party's position on national identity is one of Taiwan's most deeply-rooted problems. During the presidential election the Hsieh camp escalated ethnic conflict (or more precisely, "social divisions") and national identity issues to new highs. Yet when the returns were in, the Hsieh/Su ticket received only 42 percent of the votes. In effect, it merely hung on to its core support. The DPP lost the election. On the other hand, fundamentalist support remains strong. In the wake of the election, the question is: Does the Democratic Progressive Party want to changes its character? Does it have the capacity to change its character? Or will retain its past character?

Eight years ago, Chen Shui-bian received 39 percent of the vote during the 2000 Presidential Election. This newspaper noted that his election would be a test of the Republic of China's tolerance and resilience. Would the Republic of China be able to tolerate the Democratic Progressive Party, which advocates Taiwan independence? Would the Republic of China be resilient enough to withstand the onslaught of a DPP ruling party?

Today, eight years later, that question can be answered. Eight years ago the Republic of China's electoral system tolerated a pro-Taiwan independence Democratic Progressive Party. Chen Shui-bian even promoted a "New Centrist Path," declaring that he would "defend the Republic of China to the death." As we can see, the ROC has enormous tolerance for dissent. Eight years later, the Republic of China's electoral system repudiated the Hsieh/Su ticket's "Rectification of Names and Authoring of a New Constitution." The Taiwan independence movement failed to undermine the Republic of China -- again. As we can see, the Republic of China is highly resilient. It is able to withstand disturbances initiated by the Taiwan independence movement.

For the past eight years, the Republic of China has tolerated the Democratic Progressive Party. It even gave the DPP eight years in which to integrate itself into the Republic of China. But the Democratic Progressive Party, after eight years in power, still refuses to recognize and integrate itself into the Republic of China. Instead, it has intensifed its efforts to "Rectify Names and Author a New Constitution" and to ram through its "Resolution for a Normal Nation." As a result, the Republic of China has, via democratic elections, voted the DPP out of office, and nullified its right to rule the nation.

The problem however, remains. Although the DPP must now step down, during the past eight years it has misused government resources to confound right and wrong and invert good and evil. It has anesthetized its supporters. It has argued that "Even if DPP officials are corrupt and incompetent, they are Taiwan's Native Sons." As a result, the DPP still receives 42 percent of the vote during a presidential election. DPP rallies, where huge crowds shed tears for the party, remain scenes in which not a single ROC flag can be seen.

Long ago, the Taiwan independence movement underwent a metamporphosis. The Taiwan independence movement once had two goals: First, overthrow the Republic of China, Second, resist the People's Republic of China. But the Taiwan independence movement has been unable to overthrow the Republic of China. It has only been able to divide the Republic of China. It has been unable to resist the People's Republic of China's political and economic pressures. It has only been able to increase cross-strait animosities. Yesterday's editorial noted that under DPP rule, Taiwan was subjected to three political curses. One. Indiscriminate "ethnic labels" (more precisely, "provincial labels"). Two. Vicious struggles over reunification vs. independence. Three. Accusations that others belong to an "alien regime." These three curses have sharply divided the Republic of China. These three curses are utterly ineffective against the People's Republic of China. The Taiwan independence movement has metamorphosed into a populist election tool. It is no longer a movement for national salvation.

Over the past two years the Taiwan independence movement has promoted some mind-boggling ideas. For example, Chen Shui-bian single-handedly promoted a massive PR campaign suggesting that the public ought to forgive DPP official corruption, merely because it champions Taiwan independence! It wants the public to believe that the DPP has an exclusive franchise on "Taiwanese values." The DPP is clearly incapable of governing the Republic of China. Yet it wants the public to believe that the problem is that "the Republic of China is not a normal country." The DPP remains mired in fantasy. It wants the public to equate Taiwan independence corruption with "Taiwanese values." Alas, a majority of voters gave the DPP an unambiguous answer during the legislative elections and the presidential election.

Even though the DPP has sunk this low, it still commands the loyalty of 40% of the public. They don't identify with this nation. They don't wave its national flag. They propose "rectifying its name." They even talk of taking to the streets in the wake of the election, of using all sorts of social movements as cover for Taiwan independence. Shouldn't the DPP forsake this mode of thinking? Doesn't it want to give up this way of thinking? Does it have the ability to forsake this mode of thinking?

This 42 percent of the public has been trained to think in these terms by the DPP. It is the DPP's most valuable political asset. But it is also the DPP's most burdensome piece of political baggage. Can the Taiwan independence overthrow the Republic of China? No, it cannot. Can a would-be "Nation of Taiwan" stand up against the People's Republic of China? No, it cannot. The Republic of China government is fully capable of defending its political sovereignty and its territorial jurisdiction over Taiwan. The Republic of China is fully capable of defending against the People's Republic of China. Besides dividing Taiwan internally, what is the Taiwan independence movement capable of? What is it good for?

If the DPP cannot redefine itself on the issue of national identity, if it remains trapped in its "Nation of Taiwan" pipe dreams, if it continues tearing the nation apart as before, then this 42% of the public on Taiwan that refuses to wave the ROC flag will decide whether Taiwan survives or perishes, rises or falls. If it refuses to consider itself Republic of China citizens, or if the Democratic Progressive Party does not allow it to recognize the Republic of China, then the Republic of China is not a country.

Over the past eight years, the Republic of China has fully accepted the Democratic Progressive Party. It has even handed the reins of government over to it. But eight years later, one will still not see a single ROC flag at DPP political rallies. The DPP continues to demand the "Rectification of Names." It continues to denounce anyone who advocates cross-strait exchanges as a "traitor to Taiwan." It is not that the Republic of China refuses to accept the Democratic Progressive Party. It is that the Democratic Progressive Party refuses to accept the Republic of China!

The Democratic Progressive Party says it loves Taiwan. If the DPP loves Taiwan, it should come home. Taiwan is home to 23 million Chinese. The name of its government is "Republic of China."

民進黨，回家吧！
【聯合報╱社論】
2008.03.24 02:48 am

大選揭曉，台灣重新出發。這個時候，除了寄望重掌政權的國民黨準確調整國家前進的方向以外，其實更重要的是，亦須寄望再度在野的民進黨，也能重新調整其前進的方向，亦即重新調整帶領其群眾前進的方向。

相對而言，民進黨的重新定向，比國民黨的定向，也許對台灣未來政局更加重要。簡單地說，國民黨未來的定向，應是「中華民國路線」，但民進黨迄今仍採「正名制憲」的「台灣國路線」。這次大選，客觀意義上可謂就是這「兩條路線」的對決；倘若選後民進黨的定向仍然不變，這「兩條路線」的戰爭仍將延續，只是主客易場而戰罷了。倘係如此，台灣仍將是一部雙頭馬車，車體分裂如故，目標分歧如故。

選後，民進黨勢將檢討路線，也必將重新確定領導人。此時此刻，比什麼都重要的是，必須將國家認同標定清楚，如此始知今後的民進黨應由誰來領導？應走什麼路線？

這次大選的群眾造勢場景，仍如過去一般：藍營的場子，一片國旗旗海；綠營的場子，看不到一面國旗。倘若這是八年前民進黨在野時的場景，猶可理解；但這卻是民進黨執政八年後的場景，誠是不可思議。陳水扁的總統府日日升起國旗，綠朝官員領了八年的中華民國薪俸，但民進黨的國家論述竟然仍以羞辱中華民國、否定中華民國、拒持中華民國國旗，宣揚「正名制憲」為能事；試問：國家如何不分裂？又如何不陷於內耗空轉？

昨日社論指出，民進黨在國家認同上另持立場，是台灣政治的「深層難題」。此次大選，謝營將族群衝突及認同鬥爭升高到如此扭曲與激烈的高度，開票顯示謝蘇配仍可獲得四十二％的選票，扎扎實實地保住了「基本盤」。或許可以這麼說，民進黨雖輸了大選，但其「基本教義」仍甚強固。選後的課題是：民進黨想不想調整這種政黨體質？有無能力調整這種體質？或仍將利用並強化這種體質？

八年前，陳水扁在二○○○年以三十九％的得票率首次當選總統時，本報社論即曾指出：這將是一場「中華民國包容力與負載力的試煉」。所謂「包容力」，是說中華民國「包容」了主張台獨的民進黨；所謂的「負載力」，則是指不知中華民國能否承受得起民進黨以執政地位推動台獨運動的翻騰動盪？

八年後的今天，可以回答本報八年前的提問，那就是：八年前，中華民國的民主選舉制度，「包容」了主張台獨的民進黨，陳水扁亦曾標榜「新中間路線」，宣示「誓死捍衛中華民國」，可見中華民國有足夠的「包容力」；然而，八年後，中華民國又以民主選舉制度，否定了再唱「正名制憲」的民進黨政權，而中華民國終未被台獨路線所顛覆，可見中華民國的「負載力」亦是相當強固的，可以承受並能夠處理台獨的翻騰動盪。

這八年的故事是：中華民國接納了民進黨，甚至將政權交給了民進黨，也給了民進黨融入中華民國的八年光陰；然而，民進黨在執政八年後，卻仍然拒絕承認並融入中華民國，變本加厲地搞它的「正名制憲」與《正常國家決議文》，於是中華民國再以民主選舉的憲政機制，將民進黨請出了執政地位。

但是，問題還是沒有解決：民進黨雖然下野，八年來運用執政的資源，顛倒善惡是非，麻醉其支持者，「即使民進黨貪腐無能，仍是台灣的兒子」，於是在大選中維持了四十二％的得票率，及仍然不見一面國旗的為民進黨歡呼、亦為民進黨落淚的浩大的群眾場景！

民進黨的台獨運動早已變質。台獨運動原本有兩大目標：一、推翻中華民國，二、對抗中華人民共和國。但是，台獨卻無法推翻中華民國而只能撕裂中華民國，也對抗不了中華人民共和國的政經壓力，而只會增加兩岸的仇怨。昨日社論說，民進黨給台灣政治下了三個詛咒：一、族群標籤，二、統獨惡鬥，三、外來政權。這三個詛咒，無一不是全力撕裂中華民國，也無一可以有效對抗中華人民共和國。台獨運動變質至此地步，完全成了台灣選舉內鬥的民粹工具，禍國殃民，已不再是救國運動。

台獨運動近兩年的發展最是令人怵目驚心。陳水扁居然一手催動了一場鋪天蓋地的「台獨救貪腐」風潮。明明是民進黨舉朝上下大貪奇腐，卻要人民相信只有民進黨才是「台灣價值」無可取代的專利品牌；明明是民進黨沒有能力治理中華民國，卻要人民誤信問題出自中華民國不是「正常國家」。民進黨居然異想天開，要人民不計一切地接受以「貪腐的台獨」來代表「台灣價值」，但多數選民已在立委選舉與總統大選中給了民進黨毫不含糊的答案！

然而，沉淪至此的民進黨仍然獲有四成的社會支持；不認同這個國家，不持國旗，主張「正名制憲」，甚至揚言在選後走上街頭，也就是仍然要用形形色色的社會運動來包裝「台獨」。如今，我們要問：民進黨應不應改變這種思考？想不想改變這種思考？及有沒有能力改變這種思考？

這四十二％的民眾，被民進黨教育成如此，是民進黨的政治資產，但也是民進黨的政治包袱。台獨能推翻中華民國嗎？不能！台灣國能反制中華人民共和國嗎？也不能！難道中華民國即不能護持「台灣主體性」嗎？難道中華民國就不能對抗中華人民共和國嗎？於是，除了從內部撕裂台灣外，台獨幾乎已無其他作用。

民進黨若不能在國家論述上重新定位，仍然固持「台灣國迷思」，則社會撕裂如故，國家前途分歧如故；相對而言，這四十二％不拿國旗的台灣人，才是決定台灣興衰存亡的關鍵因素，他們若不願中華民國成為一個國家，或民進黨不准他們在名義或實質上承認中華民國是一個國家，中華民國是無法成為一個國家的！

過去八年，中華民國完全接納了民進黨，甚至將執政地位交給了它；但八年過後，民進黨的場子裡還是看不到一面國旗，還是要搞「正名制憲」，還是要將兩岸政策的相對思考說成「賣台集團」。不是中華民國不接納民進黨，是民進黨不接納中華民國！

愛台灣的民進黨，回家吧！台灣是我們兩千三百萬人的家，她的名字叫做中華民國！