Six Preconditions for Political Transparency

Six Preconditions for Political Transparency
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
March 26, 2008

On March 23, the day after election day, this newspaper expressed the hope that Ma Ying-jeou would strive for both "political transparency and economic prosperity." Yesterday's editorial expressed the hope that Ma Ying-jeou would be a president who is both "a man of virtue and a man of ability."

Ma Ying-jeou must maintain his image as a man of virtue. His credentials as a political reformer depend on it. As Ma Ying-jeou attempts to establish an administration with ability, his image as a man of virtue will be the engine that makes political transparency and economic prosperity possible.

Eight years of turmoil have left Taiwan on its last legs. What follows are six preconditions for achieving political transparency and economic prosperity:

One. Clean Government: Ma Ying-jeou's greatest political asset is his integrity. Although he found himself mired in the discretionary fund controversy, people still believed in him. Ma Ying-jeou must safeguard his image as "Mr. Clean" in order to realize his dream of clean government. A president must not fabricate non-existent "Southern Fronts." The First Family must not include the likes of Wu Shu-chen, Chao Chien-ming, and Chao Yu-chu. The president's advisors must not include the likes of Chen Che-nan. Only if the president himself is above reproach, will he have the moral authority to demand that everyone in his administration follow suit.

Two. National Identity: Taiwan is already badly divided. Those who reject the Republic of China and demand the "Rectification of Names" concoct artificial distinctions between "alien regimes" and "native regimes," between "Taiwanese" and "non-Taiwanese." Ma Ying-jeou's resounding victory, in the face of efforts to stigmatize him as a "second-generation mainlander," as an "agent of an alien regime," has rescued Taiwan from its national and ethnic identity crisis. Ma Ying-jeou must persuade the public to reaffirm our national identity and mend society's divisions.

Three. Cross-strait Relations: The Republic of China's political and economic structure, constitutional foundations, and trade prospects are closely related to cross-strait relations. In order to reestablish healthy cross-strait relations, Ma Ying-jeou must "minimize risk and maximize opportunity." He must mobilize technological resources and human resources, internally and externally. He must seize the initiative. He must neither resign himself to fate, nor engage in wishful thinking.

Four. Economic Development: During the election Ma Ying-jeou's economic development proposals were seen as cross-strait / production / government-driven. They need to be globally / distribution / commerce-driven. The short and mid-term economic picture can be summed up as follows: A. Cross-strait trade relations must not entail unilateral hemorrhaging on the Taiwan side. The economic lifeblood must circulate. B. Taiwan must take into account distribution as well as production. It must not allow society to become even more "M-shaped."

Five. Educational Reform: Today's educational problems are not exclusively systemic. The "single syllabus, multiple texts" problem was caused by high-ranking educational officials. These officials are anything but models of emulation for teachers and students. Lee Yuan-tseh and Tu Cheng-sheng are the principle culprits behind the "educational reform" fiasco. They are to blame for the most outrageous debacle in Taiwan's educational history. The devastation these two have inflicted upon the educational sector is inestimable. For years, they rammed "constructive mathematics" down the throats of students. Teachers, students, and parents could only swallow their anger. Was this any way for professional educators to behave? Educators must be able to distinguish between right and wrong. Future educational reform must include systemic reforms. Professional educators must reclaim their spirit of self-introspection and self-betterment.

Six. Social Justice: The DPP has destroyed virtually every institution responsible for ensuring social justice, including the prosecutorial system, the Central Election Commission, the Control Yuan, the Council of Grand Justices, and the National Communications Commission. The DPP has manipulated the nation's banks, public utilities, and major media. It has "package-dealed" plebiscites with elections, undermining the spirit of the constitution, including provisions for free and fair elections and secret ballots. It has hijacked the machinery of state, including the Central Election Commission, turning it into a tool for political control. It has shamelessly subverted the justice system. Ma Ying-jeou must refrain from manipulating the machinery of state. He must guard against political influence. If the judiciary prosecutes government corruption, Ma Ying-jeou and the KMT must welcome such prosecutions. If the media investigates government malfeasance, Ma Ying-jeou and the KMT must welcome such investigations, and engage in reform. This is how a nation provides checks and balances against One Party Rule.

Eight years of turmoil have left Taiwan hanging by a thread. For all intents and purposes, Ma Ying-jeou and the KMT must bring Taiwan back from the dead. They must transform a corrupt government into clean government. They must transform "ethnic divisions" into social harmony. They must transform cross-strait hatred into cross-strait synergy. They must transform economic decline into economic renewal. They must transform "educational reform" into educational revitalization. They must transform miscarriages of justice into expressions of justice. What is this, if not reviving the dead?

Ma Ying-jeou does not have any magic pills. The KMT does not have any magic wands. The thrill of victory will not help them govern the country. Ma Ying-jeou and the KMT must find within themselves the determination to solve the Republic of China's problems, one problem at a time.

陽光政治的六項要務
【聯合報╱社論】
2008.03.26 03:34 am

二十三日開票次日，本報社論寄望馬英九能將「陽光政治／幸福台灣」懸為目標，昨日社論則期望馬英九能成為一個「好人／能人」的合體總統。

馬英九應善加維持其「好人」形象，這是政治改革與社會信任的重要憑藉，也是「陽光政治」的根本能源；馬英九亦當努力組織一個「能人政府」，這是「幸福台灣」的主要引擎。

八年翻攪，台灣已是千瘡百孔，病弱相尋。茲略論「陽光政治／幸福台灣」的六項要務：

一、清廉政府：雖然陷於特別費事件，馬英九的最大政治資產，就是國人相信他清廉。馬英九應當全力護持自身的清廉形象，並以建造一個清廉政府為目標。總統自己不可捏造「南線工作」，第一家庭中不可有「吳淑珍／趙建銘／趙玉柱」，總統親信中亦不可有「陳哲男」。只要總統自身以清廉自持，應當可使整個政府形成比較清白樸實的風氣。

二、國家認同：台灣已嚴重分裂，一方面國家認同出現了「中華民國／正名制憲」、「外來政權／本土政權」的分歧，另一方面族群關係出現了「台灣人／非台灣人」的撕裂。馬英九在「外省第二代」與「外來政權」的標籤下，高票當選為總統，可視為台灣族群問題與國家認同的重大救贖；因此應當以最大的努力，說服國人，感動國人，來鞏固國家認同，修補族群裂痕。

三、兩岸關係：台灣的政經架構，自憲政論述至經貿發展，皆與兩岸關係密切相關。兩岸關係若欲實現如馬英九所說「將風險降至最低，將機會升至最高」，必須有效調動內外的軟硬資源，主動面對；不能聽天由命，但也不能一廂情願。

四、經濟發展：馬英九在選季提出的經濟發展主張，被認為比較傾向「兩岸／生產／政府驅動」，似應藉由「全球／分配／民間驅動」來平衡。中短程的經濟情勢，或許可以簡化成兩個課題：甲、兩岸經貿不可再是台灣片面「出血」，必須創造「循環」；乙、台灣內部必須「生產與分配兼顧」，不可使Ｍ型社會更趨惡化。

五、教育改革：今日的教育問題，尚不止是在制度層面，如一綱多本等；而是整個教育部門的領導階層，已經不能做為全國師生的精神典範。李遠哲及杜正勝二人，長期作為教改的精神領袖，這實在是台灣教育史上的最大醜聞與悲劇。二人對教育界在精神上的摧殘實在可怕，如建構式數學施行多年，師生家長皆敢怒不敢言，這豈是以明辨是非為職志的教育界當有的反應？因而，未來的教改工作，除了在制度上補偏救弊外，更應尋回教育界內在的自我完善力量，以重建教育專業精神。

六、社會正義：民進黨幾乎摧殘了所有的「社會正義守護機制」，如檢察體系、中選會、監察院、大法官、ＮＣＣ等；更染指操弄銀行、公營事業、媒體。就以「公投綁大選」一例而言，撕毀了公正選舉、祕密投票的憲法精神，更將整個政府與中選會挾持為政爭的工具，徹底摧毀了社會公義，實在可恥可恨。馬英九不但應全力避免以國家機器來操縱、扭曲社會正義，更應藉各種「社會正義守護機制」來管控政治汙染。例如，司法部門若嚴查明辦政府貪腐事件，馬英九及國民黨應表示感謝；又如，媒體若嚴厲監督政府錯失，馬英九及國民黨應當聞過則喜，知所改正。這是制衡「一黨獨大」的重要防腐劑。

八年的翻攪，台灣沉淪已深；馬英九及國民黨面對的幾乎是「起死回生」的難題。應將政府貪腐變成清廉政府，將國家撕裂變成族群融合，將兩岸仇怨變成兩岸雙贏，將經濟衰敗變成經濟回春，將教改失敗變成教育振興，將正義淪喪變成回歸正義……。這難道不是「起死回生」的難題？

馬英九沒有還魂丹，國民黨也沒有仙女棒。勝選的喜悅對治國執政毫無用處，必須有肝腦塗地的決志，一步一腳印地為台灣全力以赴！