The Ma Administration Needs Creative Destruction

The Ma Administration Needs Creative Destruction
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 19, 2009

A moderate typhoon, a heavy rain, and a flood not seen in half a century, have mercilessly exposed the shortcomings of the Ma Liu government. President Ma lacked decisiveness. He lacked a sense of direction. He hid behind the letter of the law. His public pronouncements lacked empathy. These shortcomings may be minor. If we had a premier who understood and sympathized with the people, who was sensitive and prudent, he might have been able to make up for the shortcomings of the government. Unfortunately although the premier is said to be smart and capable, he is out of touch with ordinary people. He may even harbor a superiority complex. In the wake of a natural disaster, people desperately need consoling. Such a political style can easily lead to a huge gulf between the government and the people.
Premier Liu Chao-hsuan is not without disaster relief experience. During the 9/21 Earthquake of 1999, then Deputy Premier Liu was a front-line commander. But Lee Teng-hui was in command. He assumed total control of such activities as resource allocation, administrative coordination, and consoling the victims. At the time the party, the government, and the military were one and the same. Critics had little to say about relief efforts. But ten years have passed. The political situation has changed. Premier Liu Chao-hsuan must stand on the front lines of the 8/8 Flood and face the disaster victims. He must cope with all sorts of challenges, from all different directions. He must attempt to make up for President Ma's verbal gaffes and other shortcomings. None of these are challenges an authoritarian era official is qualified to handle. The work of consoling the public on the front lines is not something a "feel good" leader is cut out for.

People say President Ma Ying-jeou has surrounded himself with people who are just like him. Take Ma and Liu. The reason they are so similar is that "when the tune is too highbrow, few join the chorus." President Ma has a JD from Harvard University. He is handsome and fluent in English. Premier Liu was a prodigy. He was a university president by the age of 40. He led a charmed life. Because both are highly educated, they have long looked askance at those around them. Over time they lost their empathy for others.

Each country experiences disasters, large or small. In the aftermath of disasters, the guiding principle for political leaders, is to remain humble and self-effacing. Remain close to the people. Always say you never did enough. Always vow to do more for the victims. During the 9/11 World Trade Center disaster, then New York Mayor Rudolph Giuliani slept only two or three hours a day, for weeks on end. Who would have either the time or state of mind to plop down in a barber's chair to get one's hair trimmed or dyed? Many members of the New York City Police Department and Fire Department of New York died. The atmosphere in New York was one of solidarity. The city became one giant family. No one distinquished between relief workers and disaster victims. Giuliani worked day and night solving problems. He was happy to do it, eager to do it. He did not feel put upon while doing it. He could never have perceived himself as a punching bag. Six months later, Giuliani's efforts were honored by the American people and citizens of New York City. His political record may have been mediocre. His private life may have been a mess. But because of 9/11, he went down in history as one of New York City's finest mayors. As we can see, natural disasters are not always political disasters. It all depends upon how one deals with them.

President Ma was elected by the public. He has been in office a mere 15 months. We would be rash to jump to premature conclusions. But based on his press conference yesterday, his September cabinet reshuffling is essential. In the eyes of disaster victims and the public, his current cabinet has zero credibility. Its members have only to appear on a podium, to face hisses and disdain. Forget disaster relief and reconstruction. Forget the multitude of other national construction tasks. A cabinet unable to command the trust and respect of the public, must be reshuffled and replaced. Otherwise the machinery of government will grind to a halt. The consequences will be serious. It is no laughing matter.

Some people have compared a cabinet reshuffle to "Saving Private Ma." But we are not willing to critique the matter from such a negative angle. We prefer to examine the matter from a more positive standpoint. Ma and Liu are too much alike. They are unable to complement each other. They provoke anger among ordinary people. They have difficulty identifying or communicating with ordinary people. Given such internal and external pressures, the cabinet must undergo reshuffling for the sake of the nation's future. Over the past year, countless complaints have been lodged against the various ministries of the Executive Yuan. Large scale adjustments in the wake of the flood are an appropriate response to popular discontent.

Replacing the cabinet involves social costs. But without sufficient Creative Destruction of the cabinet, national reconstruction will be difficult. From this perspective, reshuffling the cabinet is merely a form of Creative Destruction. It is a benefit to the nation. It must be done. President Ma has set a September timetable. We look forward to its smooth completion. Only then can the administration avoid leaving behind a bad memory.

中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2009.08.20
馬政府需要一次「建設性的破壞」
本報訊

一個中度颱風、一場大雨、一個半世紀僅見的水災，把馬劉政府的缺點沖刷暴露得一清二楚。馬總統沒有決斷力、抓不到方向、拘泥於法律形式細節、講話欠缺同理心，這些缺失難謂微小，但如果能找一位體恤民瘼、敏銳謹慎的行政院長，或許還能有所補救。無奈的是，行政院劉院長雖說精明幹練，卻與基層人民格格不入，甚至給人一種高高在上的優越感。這樣的形象風格在災變過後、人民亟需安撫慰恤之際，就容易形成了政府與人民之間巨大的鴻溝。

劉兆玄院長並不是沒有救災的經驗；一九九九年九二一大地震，時任副院長的他就是前線總指揮官。但當時的指揮，多為資源支配與行政協調，對災民的慰問與互動總還有李登輝總統頂著；而當時黨政軍一體的政治結構，外界也不會對救災產生太多的抨擊。但是時隔十年，國內政治情勢丕變。八八水患劉兆玄院長必須在第一線面對為災民，也要遭逢各種多元勢力的挑戰，更要設法彌補馬總統失言失機的種種缺陷。這些，都不是威權時代的幹臣所能勝任；而在第一線撫慰民心的工作，更與他「自我感覺良好」的身段扞格難容。

許多人都說，馬英九總統所用之人，都有非常高的同質性。就馬、劉二人而言，他們之間的同質性就是「曲高和寡」。馬總統是哈佛大學法學博士，英文流利相貌俊挺；劉院長年輕得志，四十幾歲就擔任龍頭大學的校長，自此一帆風順。正因為他們學識高強，所以總能睥睨周遭，但久而久之就難免失去了親和力與同理心。

全世界每個國家都有或大或小的災難，而救災善後唯一的指導原則，就是謙遜自抑、貼近人民；永遠說自己做的不夠，永遠矢志要為災民做更多。二○○一年紐約世貿九一一災變，當時的市長朱里安尼幾乎有數周都只能每天睡兩、三小時，又哪有心情與空閒去理髮染髮？由於紐約市警察與消防有多人罹難，故紐約市府在災後全力營造的氣氛，就是市民一體、全市一家的向心力與凝聚力，根本不再去區分救災者與受災者。朱里安尼只是沒日沒夜地解決問題，歡喜做、甘願受，根本沒有「受氣」的感覺，又怎麼會自認為出氣筒？半年過後，朱里安尼的努力終究被美國人與紐約市民肯定；即使他以往政績平平、私生活紊亂，卻因九一一救災而成為紐約市有史以來少數膾炙人口的好市長，可見災害未必會傷害政治人物，端視其處理與因應而已。

馬總統是民選的，現在才上任十五個月，輕言異動當然是不切實際的妄論。但是誠如他日前記者會所言，九月間做內閣的調整，恐怕是必須要做的動作。現在的內閣在災民與人民的眼中，幾乎已經不具公信力；閣員只要端上檯面，恐怕就得面對噓聲與鄙視，遑論救災重建，更遑論其他經緯萬端的國政建設。一個得不到人民信任與尊敬的內閣，當然要改組更換，否則國家機器形同停擺，後果嚴重，不能兒戲視之。

有人將內閣改組比喻為「搶救英九大兵」，但我們卻不願意從如此消極面的角度去評論，而要從積極面的觀點去思考。馬劉二人個性太過重疊，無法發揮內部互補效果已如前述，而二人激怒人民，難以貼近外部基層也是事實。這樣的內外交迫，為台灣前途計，內閣做一定幅度的更換恐怕是不得不然的抉擇。過去一年中，輿論對於行政院各部會施政的埋怨不知凡幾，現在以水災為由做大規模的調整，也算是順應輿情的自然因應。

更換內閣當然是有社會成本的，但若不做此適度的內閣破壞，後續國家建設恐怕難以啟動。如果從這個角度切入，那麼內閣撤換就只是「建設性的破壞」，也是替台灣做功德。該發生的，就讓它發生吧！馬總統既訂下了九月這個時間，我們就期待它能夠順利地、優雅地完成。那樣，多少還留給台灣人民一個不差的回憶。