The Revolution has yet to Succeed, Ma Ying-jeou must Continue his Struggle

The Revolution has yet to Succeed, Ma Ying-jeou must Continue his Struggle
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
October 19, 2009

The 18th Kuomintang Party Congress ended a few days ago. Ma Ying-jeou was re-elected party chairman. He reaffirmed the KMT's commitment to political reform, clean government, and hard work. Ma was elected party chairman for the first time four years ago. Since then Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou has become the head of state. Both times he issued solemn declarations regarding the direction of the nation, using almost the same language. This is not surprising. After all, as Sun Yat-sen once said, "The revolution has yet to succeed, comrades must continue their struggle." Ma Ying-jeou has twice been elected party chairman. He must carry out his promised reforms. He must also carry out a revolution inside the party, enabling the administration to govern more effectively and ensure a second term in 2012.

Four years ago, the Kuomintang had been in the opposition for five years. The once divided KMT and People First Party joined forces. Lien Chan and James Soong waged a hard fought election campaign. But as a result of the 3/19 Shooting Incident, they failed to unseat the long-discredited Chen Shui-bian. Demands for a recount by protesters camped on Ketegelan Boulevard came to naught. Ever since Taipei Mayor Ma Ying-jeou proposed that the party chairman be directly elected, he has been the standard bearer for Blue Camp political rejuvention. In August 2005, Ma Ying-jeou was elected party chairman. The first thing he did was to announce that he would tie up the controversial issue of party assets before 2008. That check has bounced. The first time Ma Ying-jeou assumed the party chairmanship, during the Central Standing Committee session in February 2007, he made it clear that the party must become an election machine. Party assets must not be used on election campaigns. All elections must be financed by means of fund raising. This check has also bounced.

The first time Ma Ying-jeou assumed the party chairmanship, he failed to fulfill any major campaign promises. The reason is simple. In September 2007, Ma Ying-jeou was indicted in the Discretionary Fund case. He promptly resigned as party chairman. Wu Poh-hsiung, who had been planning to retire, held down the fort in Ma's absence. Ma Ying-jeou, who was no longer in charge of party affairs, focused on his presidential campaign. He was no longer able to oversee the divestiture of KMT party assets. He was no longer able to oversee the reform of KMT party finances. Given the prevailing mood within society and the party, no one blamed Ma Ying-jeou for this bounced check. Quite the contrary, it underscored society's feeling that justice had to be done.

Today Ma Ying-jeou is again in charge of the party. He has proudly waved the party flag on behalf of candidates for the year end elections. When Ma Ying-jeou declared his commitment to clean government and political reform, people were inspired. Political momentum accumulated. But he has now declared his intention to enforce strict party discipline. Candidates for political office are lashing out at the party leadership. They doubt Ma will hold up if they give him the cold-shoulder treatment. Ma Ying-jeou has been in charge of the affairs of state for a year and a half. He is being pulled in several directions at the same time. He has not demonstrated sufficient courage and determination. As a result, his leadership has been subjected to constant challenges. Candidates for City Mayor and County Executive offices have thrown their hats in the ring without consulting him. Even incumbents who were elected on the basis of Ma's endorsement are ignoring the party leadership, and bent on rebellion. During the party chairmanship election, the turnout in many constituencies was low. The percentage of invalid ballots was high. Quite a few former "Team Ma" legislators with reputations for integrity became Central Standing Committee members. These and other outspoken and forceful County Executives and City Mayors have gradually withdraw their candidacies. When asked why, they reply without enthusiasm, and sighed, "Let him (Ma) find out what it's like to not to have a Central Standing Committee consisting of his people!"

In the year and a half since Ma Ying-jeou became president, this group of party officials, who once stood shoulder to shoulder with him in the trenches, have met with and talked with him less than a handful of times, perhaps only twice. Even party members close to Ma are saying such things. One can imagine what people not so close to Ma are saying. They simply cannot find any way to interact with the party chairman. People everywhere are asking, "Is he (Ma) actually willing to listen to other people's advice?" Actually some people really don't care whether Chairman Ma is willing to listen to other people's advice. They care only about their status as Central Standing Committee members, whether that status will profit them personally. More importantly, the Central Standing Committee lacks career officials and local leaders who can explain what they fighting for. How can such a party leadership help the administration govern efficiently? Ma Ying-jeou wants to tranform the party into an election machine. He wants to turn it into a platform for communications and policy coordination. Based on the current structure of the Central Standing Committee, one can expect a weakening of the party's policy-making functions. Whether it will be of any help during election campaigns, is hard to say. Ma Ying-jeou will inevitably encounter trouble implementing his personal ideals.

Ma Ying-jeou sees the problem. He has called upon the KMT not to buy votes during election campaigns, not to enage in corruption while in office, and not to abuse its political power. In fact, this is a problem common to both Blue Camp and Green Camp parties. But seeing the problem and talking about the problem is not enough. Now that the president is also the party chairman, he must walk the walk, not just talk the talk.

Four years ago, Ma Ying-jeou was denied the opportunity to make good on his promises. He has now returned as party chairman. He must now accomplish his mission. Only with such an understanding can he avoid future regrets. Voters may have the wisdom, but they may lack the patience to give the KMT another chance.

中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2009.10.19
社論－改革尚未成功 英九仍須努力
本報訊

國民黨第十八屆黨代表大會日前落幕，馬英九再度回鍋兼任黨主席，同時也宣示國民黨改革、清廉、勤政路線。對比四年前第一次就任黨主席，馬英九的正職從台北市長一躍而為國家元首；前後兩次就任講話所嚴正宣示的方向，幾近是相同的語言，這一點並不讓人意外，因為「改革尚未完成，同志仍須努力」。馬英九兩度兼任黨主席，一方面要繼續未完成的黨務改革，再方面也要透過黨的改革，強化「輔政」的功能，進一步確保二○一二年的連任順遂。

回顧四年前，國民黨已經在野五年，分裂的國民黨和親民黨在連戰、宋楚瑜攜手合作下，拚搏大選，卻在三一九槍擊案的衝擊下，未能擊敗聲望早已潰跌的陳水扁，凱道驗票抗爭未果，身為台北市長的馬英九，從推動黨主席直選開始，始終背負藍營復興政權大業的深切期待。二○○五年八月任黨主席的馬英九，第一件大事就是宣示：二○○八年以前要將備受爭議的黨產問題處理完畢；這張支票，並未兌現。馬英九第一次就任黨主席時，在二○○七年二月上旬的中常會上，也明確表示，黨要成為選舉機器，黨產不得用於輔選，所有選舉相關財務都要以募款為之；這張支票，也沒兌現。

馬英九首次就任黨主席，沒兌現任何一樁重大政治承諾，原因無它，二○○七年九月，馬英九就因為特別費案遭起訴，毅然辭卸黨主席職務，由原來規畫退休的吳伯雄頂住大局。卸下黨職務的馬英九，專心投入大選，既管不了黨產進度，也無心聞問包括黨財務在內的改革方案。但當時的社會和黨的大氣候，沒有人怪責馬英九支票兌現不了，相反的，卻瀰漫著要討回公道的悲壯氣氛。

如今重回黨中央的馬英九，授旗給年底要參選的公職提名人，揮舞黨旗志得意滿，但是，當年宣示清廉改革的馬英九，令人振奮，有風行景從的氣勢；如今宣示強化黨紀，違紀參選者從嚴議處的馬英九，面對的則是黨內反彈四起，看你能奈我何的冷漠。已經執掌國家大政一年半的馬英九，在多方力量的拉鋸下，未能展現足夠的魄力和決斷，使他的領導威信不斷遭到挑戰。縣市長提名，各路人馬各顯神通，連曾經依靠馬光環才得以當選的多位現任縣市長，都不理黨中央的態度，執意造反。黨主席選舉，許多選區投票率偏低不說，廢票率還格外高；中常委選舉，許多當年以廁身「馬團隊」的形象牌立委、以及在黨內始終敢於直言力諫的縣市長，紛紛退出選局，問到何以致此？他們連熱情都沒有的、只能嘆口氣，「讓他（馬）嘗嘗沒有自己人的中常會是個什麼滋味！」

這群曾經與馬英九一起打天下的黨公職，在馬英九就任總統之後，一年半時間來，面見談話進言次數不必用一個手掌數，三個手指頭數大概都嫌多。與馬關係還算近的黨內人士都這麼說，和馬關係遠的人可以想見，根本找不出與主席互動之道，有人到處問，「他（馬）聽得進建言嗎？」也有人其實並不在乎馬主席聽不聽得下建言，只在乎端著中常委的招牌，能不能有利於自己的企業營生。更重要的，一個缺乏政務官、地方首長、講得出道理的中央民代參與的中常會，能提供黨主席多少「輔政」功能？馬英九要求黨要轉型為選舉機器，並成為政策協調溝通的平台，以眼下中常會的結構，黨決策功能的弱化幾乎可以預期，輔選作用的強化難講能否達到，馬英九難免再次陷入個人理想如何落實的困境。

馬英九不是看不到問題的人，他要求國民黨要做到：選舉不買票、執政不貪汙、問政不腐化，其實已看盡藍綠政黨的通病。然而，看到、說到還不夠，既已總統兼任黨主席，話說出口就要執行到位，否則所有的政治宣示都將是空談。

四年前的支票，馬英九來不及兌現，此番回鍋黨務，就得使命必達，有所警覺，不要留下遺憾，因為選民縱有足夠的智慧，卻可能沒太多耐性再給國民黨太多機會了。