When will Deng Xiaoping's Portrait be Displayed at Tiananmen Square?

When will Deng Xiaoping's Portrait be Displayed at Tiananmen Square?
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
October 7, 2009

The Beijing authorities have been preoccupied with a number of major events. The 10/1 celebration and the Beijing Olympics convey very different notions. To the outside world, the synchronized placard displays during the Beijing Olympics hinted at peaceful development. The large scale troop review during the 10/1 celebration meanwhile, contained more than a hint of swagger.

Ideally a major power should promote peace abroad and maintain harmony at home. But prior to the Cold War, major powers used their superior might to exploit or bully smaller or weaker nations. China suffered grievously. From the Opium War of 1840, though the eight year long Japanese invasion, the Chinese people shed oceans of blood and wept rivers of tears. Mainland China's military capability now enables it to "just say no." It has minimized the likelihood of foreign aggression. This is a prerequisite for a major power. Meanwhile the evolution of human civilization makes it difficult to imagine any country ever again becoming a major aggressor. The U.S. invasion of Iraq may be the last instance of a war of aggression by a major power. In other words, instead of committing aggression and engaging in slaughter, the major powers are now forstalling conflict. In this regard, Beijing's "peaceful development" or even "peaceful rise," may constitute a new paradigm for developing nations.

Let's talk about internal harmony. Within a globalized economy, nations that refuse to open themselves up to the rest of the world cannot become major powers. Nations that open themselves up to the outside world inevitably experience an increase in freedom of thought and awareness of civil rights. They can no longer be ruled by totalitarian dictatorships. In other words, for social harmony to prevail inside a major power requires democracy and human rights.

The People's Republic of China established its authority 60 years ago. The development most worth celebrating is the transformation of the Chinese Communist Party from Mao Zedong's Communist Party to Deng Xiaoping's Communist Party. If this were not the case, today's Mainland would be little more than the Peoples Republic of Korea (North Korea) writ large. Internationally, there would be no possibility of "peaceful development." Domestically, Kim Jong-il style measures would be necessary to maintain a semblance of social harmony. Given the peace and prosperity the CCP and China enjoy today, it is not Mao Zedong's portrait that ought to be displayed at Tiananmen Square, but Deng Xiaoping's.

During the 10/1 celebration, Hu Jintao continued to pay lip service to "Marxism" and "Mao Zedong Thought." The CCP "annihilated the Gang of Four" in 1976. It launched a movement to discredit Mao Zedong. It initiated three decades of reform and liberalization. The result? Today's Chinese Communist Party constitutes the largest collection of "capitalist roaders" and "revisionists" the world has ever seen. The problem is that the CCP has essentially repudiated Mao Zedong, but continues to display his portrait in Tiananmen Square. If it publicly criticized Mao, it might undermine the legitimacy of the CCP. The CCP continues to display Mao's portrait, even after it has turned its back on Mao and repudiated him. This gap between theory and practice is a major issue that the CCP must address but has yet to address. Every day the CCP refuses to talk about Mao Zedong's 30 year long debacle, is a day that it delays its own transformation and the transformation of Mainland China.

Sun Yat-sen's portrait can still be seen in Tiananmen Square. It remained on display during this year's 60th anniversary 10/1 celebration. Meanwhile, the portraits of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin are already gone. This says that the CCP hopes to distance itself from Mao Zedong and Communism. Instead, it is attempting to preserve another grander, more open political tradition. Having evaluated their internal and external circumstances, they continue to argue that "Mao's merits outnumber his demerits, seven to three." But this is not a position they can maintain long-term. Mao Zedong is not an appropriate national icon for China, anymore than Adolf Hitler is an appropriate national icon for Germany. If the CCP and Mainland China wish to undergo gradual transformation, they should adopt a gradual strategy for transformation. They should gradually elevate the political status of Deng Xiaoping. They should gradually relieve themselves of the historical baggage of Mao Zedong. This is a viable approach. In fact, Deng Xiaoping and lower level CCP leaders such as Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang liberated themselves from the bonds of Mao Zedong some time ago. If the CCP hopes to transform the party and the nation, it must liberate itself from the bonds of Mao Zedong, in form as well as in substance. This is an inevitable process. Otherwise it will be difficult to undergo rebirth. If the CCP seeks rebirth in an increasingly democratic Chinese society, it must negotiate this passage, sooner if not later. If it cannot repudiate Mao as a national icon, he will forever remain an obstacle to the transformation of the CCP and Mainland China.

The CCP and Mainland China have a long way to go in their transformation. They must gradually rid themselves of old baggage. They must gradually give themselves a makeover. The day Mao Zedong's portrait comes down at Tiananmen Square will be the day the CCP and Mainland China complete their political tranformation.

天安門城樓該掛鄧小平像？
【聯合報╱社論】
2009.10.07 03:32 am

同為北京當局全神貫注的大活動，十一與京奧的演示意象旨趣迥異。京奧的主題，是用活字演出多彩多姿的「和」字，對外象徵「和平發展」，對內意指「和諧社會」；十一則以大閱兵為主場景，當然有「耀武揚威」的意味。

理想的大國境界，就是對外「和平」，對內維持「和諧」。人類在二十世紀冷戰以前的「大國」，皆是仗恃武力剝削或欺凌弱小。中國受害甚劇，自一八四○鴉片戰爭至日本侵華八年，山河血淚，委實創鉅痛深。中國大陸如今擁有這般武備，已具說「不」的實力，大抵已使外患外侮的可能性降至最低，這是成為「大國」的條件。但人類歷史文明演化至今，已難想像任何國家再能以窮兵黷武而成為「大國」；美國侵辱伊拉克可能是最後一個「大國侵略戰爭」。也就是說，大國的武力在「止戈」，而不是用在侵略及殺戮。就此而言，北京政權能以「和平發展」為對外的立國基調（甚至不說「和平崛起」），不無可能成為「大國」的新思潮與新典範。

再言對內「和諧」。在全球化的經濟情境中，國家不對外開放不可能成為「大國」；而對外開放的國家，國內自由思潮與民權意識必是有增無已，殆不可能再以專制極權為治國手段。也就是說，大國之內的「和諧社會」，終究須以民主及人權來維繫。

中華人民共和國建政六十周年，最值得慶幸者是：今日的中國共產黨已從「毛澤東的共產黨」，變成「鄧小平的共產黨」。倘非如此，今日的中國大陸也許只是大一號的「朝鮮民主主義人民共和國」（北韓）而已；對外不可能「和平發展」，對內則須以金正日那一套始能維持所謂的「和諧社會」。就此而言，中共與中國有今日，掛在天安門城樓上的巨像，不該是毛澤東，而應是鄧小平。

胡錦濤十一文告中，仍高舉「馬克思主義」及「毛澤東思想」。但是，今天的中共，其實是出自一九七六年中共舉黨透過「粉碎四人幫」而對毛澤東發動的鞭屍政變；三十年來的「改革開放」，已使現在的中共成為共產黨史上最大的「走資派」與「修正主義」。問題正在於此：現在的中共實質上是否定了毛澤東，卻又在天安門上掛著毛像。因為，如果發動公開批毛，中共的正當性亦可能動搖；但是，掛著毛像的中共，現在的實際作為卻是對毛的背離與否定。這種理論與實際乖離的異象，一直是中共必須解決但迄未解決的重大的議題。對毛澤東「三十年浩劫」的議論只要被中共捂著一天，中共即難望有使自己及中國轉型過渡的一天。

直至今年六十周年的十一，天安門廣場仍見豎起孫中山巨像，但「馬克思／恩格斯／列寧／斯大林」的巨像則早已不見，這顯示中共欲在毛澤東及共產主義以外，試圖保留另一個更開闊恢宏的政治傳承；但盱衡內外情勢，若對毛澤東的評價永遠停留在「功過七三開」的說法，其實仍非長久之計。中國之不宜以毛澤東為國家象徵，正如德國不宜以希特勒為國家象徵。中共與中國若欲一步一步轉型，逐漸升高鄧小平的政治象徵地位，相對地慢慢放下毛澤東的包袱，應是可以採行的過渡性作法。事實上，鄧小平以降的兩個梯隊的中共領導人，包括胡耀邦及趙紫陽等，已然相當程度地超越並跳脫了毛澤東的綑綁；未來中共欲進一步帶動黨及國家的轉型，最後必須一併解脫掉在形式上仍然存在的毛澤東束縛，這是一必經的過程，否則難以脫胎換骨。中共想在日漸民主化的中國社會尋求新生，恐怕早晚必須要過這一關。若不能否棄毛澤東的國家象徵地位，中共與中國轉型過渡的障礙始終存在。

中共及中國的轉型還有很長的路要走，舊包袱要慢慢地放下，新面貌要慢慢地形塑；當天安門城樓的毛像可以卸下的那一天，也許就是中共及中國政治轉型瀕近成功之日。