Ma Ying-jeou and Hu Jintao: Mutual Affirmation

Ma Ying-jeou and Hu Jintao: Mutual AffirmationUnited Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 20, 2010

Taipei and Singapore have announced the intention to sign an economic agreement. The Presidential Office clarified, saying that Beijing respects Taipei's move to sign an economic agreement with Singapore. It has not attempted to block the move. Its pragmatic approach is consistent with Taiwan's interests, and "We aprove."

We hope future cross-Strait exchanges will be more like this. Cross-Strait interaction is undergoing change. If the two sides affirm what the other is doing more often, such mutual encouragement can promote "peaceful development."

Over the past two years, cross-Strait coopetition has undergone dramatic change. One might even refer it as a "change in the course of heaven and earth." Future historians will note that these two years were critical, and that Ma Ying-jeou and Hu Jintao were the key figures. They have not betrayed their responsibilities. They have seized this precious opportunity. For that, they deserve affirmation.

A few years ago, such an opportunity would not have arisen. Back then, the setbacks the two sides had endured were not serious enough. The price the two sides had paid was not heavy enough. The soul-searching the two sides had undertaken was not thorough enough. That is why a few years ago such an opportunity would never have arisen. But now the setbacks endured have been serious enough, and the price paid has been heavy enough. The soul-searching was thorough enough. Otherwise we would not have wound up with Hu and Ma. This precious opportunity would have been lost. That is why Ma and Hu should each affirm what the other has done. Needless to say, Lien Chan's courageous and historic "ice-breaking journey" must also be given the credit it deserves.

Deng Xiaoping's "reform and liberalization" rescued the Mainland. His "one country, two systems" rescued the Mainland and Hong Kong. Hu Jintao's historical legacy will be that he, Lien Chan, and Ma Ying-jeou introduced "peaceful development," and allowed the two sides to enter an era of peaceful coopetition.

Hu Jintao's "peaceful development" overrode "one country, two systems" and "peaceful reunification." He did not of course forsake peaceful reunification per se. He merely framed it in a different manner. He and George W. Bush committed to "One China, Different Interpretations" on the Hotline. He modified the "One China Principle," and reframed it as "Although the two sides have yet to be reunified, they are nevertheless both parts of One China." He affirmed that "the status quo manifests itself in the current status of Taiwan's existing regulations and documents." His "Hu Six Points" repeatedly affirmed a "people-oriented" perspective. He made major concessions regarding ECFA. He refrained from obstructing an economic agreement between Taipei and Singapore. Through a Mainland Defense Ministry spokesman, he announced a willingness to discuss the withdrawal of missiles. These actions show that Hu Jintao has refrained from using force. He has refrained from inciting civil unrest on Taiwan. Instead he has attempted to dialogue with the public on Taiwan and to promote cross-Strait "peaceful development." To be fair, such an opportunity was hardly inevitable. This path is not necessarily one that another leader in Beijing could have managed. President Hu Jintao's individual temperament and intellect may well have been a decisive factor.

The two sides are moving toward "peaceful development." This is often interpreted as "Beijing believes it can use economics to control Taiwan, while Taipei realizes it cannot economically separate itself from the Mainland." Some interpret the current cross-Strait economic situation as the anomalous result of economic pressure. Is this in fact the case? The answer will be an important determinant in the final evaluation of Hu Jintao's cross-Strait path. Everyone agrees that cross-Strait relations is a case of "the powerful must be benevolent when dealing with the weak." In other words, Beijing is powerful. It must not resort to trickery to achieve victory. So-called "benevolence" means seeing cross-Strait relations as a moral and civilizational enterprise. It must not be reduced to a case of "Who gobbles up whom?"

Deng Xiaoping had a moral vision for Hong Kong. Although the Mainland could not be made as free and democratic as Hong Kong in the near term, the Mainland would not destroy Hong Kong by imposing "One Country, One System" on Hong Kong. Today, when confronting Taiwan, Hu Jintao and his successors can hardly do less than Deng Xiaoping. Otherwise they would be turning the clock back. Not only would it be heartless, it would be unwise.

Therefore, Hu Jintao's "peaceful development" deserves affirmation. But its final success or failure must not depend on economic appeasement. It must not depend on political trickery. It must depend upon a moral vision of human civilization shared by the Chinese people on both sides of the Strait. Therefore Hu Jintao's record so far deserves affirmation. But difficult challenges remain ahead of him.

Ma Ying-jeou's record on cross-Strait relations can perhaps be best described using his own words, "silent courage." It is said that "the weak must be resourceful when dealing with the powerful." But the fact remains the weaker one is, the less room for resourcefulness one has. Lee Teng-hui and Chen Shui-bian can testify to this. Therefore the Republic of China's survival may well depend upon the aforementioned principle, "the powerful must be benevolent when dealing with the weak." Benevolence is the practical expression of morality and civility. The morality and civility of the Republic of China's liberal democracy is its greatest strength. If Ma Ying-jeou can take advantage of this strength, he and the public on Taiwan can inspire the public on the Mainland and around the world. He can ensure that cross-Strait relations do not turn back from "peaceful development."

The two sides must be benevolent when dealing with each other. Being benevolent means being "people-oriented." It means pursuing a moral vision of human civilization shared by the Chinese people on both sides of the Strait. It means the two sides affirming each other, not hesitating to encourage one another, It means steady progress towards a win-win symbiosis.

馬英九與胡錦濤有可相互肯定之處
【聯合報╱社論】
2010.08.20 02:32 am

台星宣布研簽經濟協議，總統府發表聲明強調：中國大陸尊重台灣推動與新加坡洽簽經濟協議，並未介入阻撓，這是務實且符合台灣利益的作法，「我們表示肯定」。

我們期望，兩岸當局的對話，能常見這類語言。在兩岸互動轉型階段，雙方若能經常相互肯定，相互鼓勵，對於「和平發展」的推進必有裨益。

兩年來，兩岸在競合關係上的變化，可以用「旋轉乾坤」四字形容，未來的歷史將記載，這兩年是關鍵的兩年，而馬英九與胡錦濤則是關鍵的兩個人物，他們都沒有辜負這一場難能可貴的機遇，值得肯定。

倘若早幾年，不會出現此種機遇。因為，那時兩岸互動經歷的挫折還不夠大，兩岸付出的代價還不夠重，因此兩岸的反省也不夠徹底；所以，早幾年不會出現這種機遇。但是，即使挫折夠大，代價夠重，倘若不是反省夠徹底，不是剛好碰上馬胡二人，這一場難能可貴的機遇也可能會被白白錯失。所以，馬胡二人確有許多可以相互肯定之處。當然，連戰的破冰也功不可沒。

若謂鄧小平的「改革開放」救了大陸，「一國兩制」救了大陸與香港，則胡錦濤未來在歷史上的主要記載，可能是他與連戰、馬英九以「和平發展」將兩岸帶向一個較可期待的競合關係。

胡錦濤以「和平發展」凌駕「一國兩制／和平統一」（他未放棄和平統一），且在胡布熱線中承諾「一中各表」，並將「一個中國的原則」轉向「雖然尚未統一／仍是一個中國」、「現狀即是見之於台灣現行規定及文件的現狀」，且在「胡六點」中反覆呈現「以人為本」的觀點，又在ＥＣＦＡ中大量「讓利」，不阻撓台星協議，更透過其國防部發言人宣稱可討論撤飛彈……。這些動作顯示，胡錦濤沒有選擇武力壓迫的路徑，也沒有採取操弄台灣內亂的路徑，而是嘗試以與台灣人民對話的方法來引導兩岸「和平發展」。持平而論，這樣的機遇並非必然發生，而這樣的路徑亦非任何一位中共領導人所能操持，所以不能謂胡錦濤的個人胸懷與氣質不是關鍵因素。

兩岸走向「和平發展」，常被視作是因「北京認為在經濟上制得住台灣／台灣則認知在經濟上離不開大陸」所致。所以，也有人視兩岸當前只是因經濟壓力所形成的畸形結合；是否如此，這也將是最後評價胡錦濤兩岸路線的重要標尺。眾人皆曰：兩岸關係「大事小以仁」；這是說，北京大，即不能以權謀詐術取勝；而所謂的「仁」，是將兩岸關係視為一種道德實踐與文明憧憬。亦即，最後不是「誰吃掉誰」，而是看最後兩岸能夠在民族道德及人類文明上共同實現如何的境界。對於香港，鄧小平在道德及文明上的實踐是：大陸自知暫做不到香港如此自由民主，但大陸不會強求一國一制而毀了香港。如今，胡錦濤及其後繼者面對台灣，不能表現不如鄧小平。否則，反其道而行，非但不仁，尤屬不智。

因此，前述胡錦濤「和平發展」的種種作為，是值得肯定的。但其最後成敗，卻無可能僅取決於經濟懷柔，更絕無可能取決於權謀詐術，而要看能使兩岸關係在民族道德及人類文明上臻至何種境界。就此以論，胡錦濤迄至現今的表現固可肯定，但懸在他前面的考驗仍是艱巨重大無比。

馬英九在兩岸關係的表現，或可謂緣於他自己所說的「沉默的魄力」。雖曰「小事大以智」，其實，愈弱小，智謀權術的操弄空間愈小，李扁二人即是前車之鑑；因而，台灣的生存憑藉反而可能也是「小事大亦以仁」。如前所述，「仁」即是道德實踐及文明憧憬，而台灣的自由民主體制即是最有力的道德與文明。馬英九若能將自由民主的優勢有效表達，而台灣人民亦能共同協力發揮自由民主的美善，即可使對岸及世人受到感應，從而可確保兩岸關係朝「和平發展」的方向邁進，不會走回頭路。

「兩岸相事以仁」，仁就是「以人為本」，相互促進對於民族道德實踐與人類文明憧憬有共同的追求；讓兩岸不吝相互肯定，不吝相互鼓勵，朝向雙贏共生的方向穩步前進。