Tuesday, August 10, 2010

Yang Chiu-hsing: Forcing the DPP to Engage in Soul-Searching

Yang Chiu-hsing: Forcing the DPP to Engage in Soul-SearchingUnited Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 10, 2010

Yang Chiu-hsing has resigned from the Democratic Progressive Party and is running for Kaohsiung Mayor as an independent. His move has forced the DPP to engage in soul-searching. It has led to changes in the DPP's party style and party line. He said, "We have chosen the way of the majority," and "We are taking the path of moderation." What he meant was that the DPP has turned its back on the majority and gone down the wrong path. The current round of self-reflection and debate will intensify as election fever increases. These developments can be evaluated from three different perspectives.

One. Election fairness. Yang Chiu-hsing felt the party primary process was unfair. He felt wronged and unable to get fair treatment. Two. Governing ability. He said he watched as Kaohsiung declined, and that left him deeply concerned. Three. The nation's future. He expressed conditional support for ECFA. He declared that he would take the middle path.

Consider the issue of election fairness. The major dispute between Yang Chiu-hsing and Chen Chu during the party primaries was billboards. Chen Chu was unhappy with billboards criticizing high unemployment in Kaohsiung. Yang Chiu-hsing said Chen Chu blamed him for billboards attacking her posted by Li Cheng-hsien. A review of the 2006 Kaohsiung Mayoral Election may be instructive. Chen Chu's campaign committee held a "per diem press conference," which led to a narrow 1114 vote victory over Huang Chun-ying. A first instance court ruled Chen Chu's election invalid. A second instance court ruled that Chen Chu's tactics were "controversial, but not coercive" and ruled in her favor. The ruling was controversial. Many observers considered Chen Chu's campaign tactics underhanded trickery. One has to ask, was Chen Chu "fair" to Huang Chun-ying? Was Chen Chu's victory "legitimate?"

The fact is, incidents of DPP dirty tricks during election season are too numerous to list. The DPP has been a major contributor to corrupt election practices on Taiwan. The 3/19 Shooting Incident in 2004 was so outrageous it shocked the world. Had Yang Chiu-hsing not lashed back so vehemently at such "trivia," who would have known the DPP primary process had become so unfair as to be intolerable?

Consider governing ability. Compare Yang Chiu and Chen Chu. Yang is more reliable. Chen is more agile. Yang's political achievements have been lauded repeatedly. They are not a matter of luck. He has been honored as a "five star" county chief four times. That is the result of dedication. It is especially noteworthy given that Kaohsiung County has far fewer resources than Kaohsiung City. Yang's governing ability is superior to Chen Chu's in many ways. But Chen Chu hitched a ride on the World Games. She demagogued visits by the Dalai Lama and Rebiyah Kadeer. As a result, her momentum surged. Yang Chiu-hsing kept his nose to the grindstone for nine long years. How do you think he felt? Those who sponsor fireworks displays and engage in populist demagoguery win greater public approval than those who keep their noses to the grindstone. Maybe this is why Yang Chiu-hsing was so indignant. Yang Chiu-hsing served as county chief for nine years. Is he really oblivious to the distinction between governing ability and rabble-rousing? By the same token, former blacklistee Hsu Tien-tsai served nine years as Tainan City Mayor. He had to sit tightlipped while Lai Ching-teh was catapulted into the Legislative Yuan. How do you think he felt?

The DPP ruled the central government for eight years via populist demagoguery. Its ability to engage in demagoguery far exceeds its ability to govern. Yang Chiu-hsing quit the party in protest. Do voters understand the difference between holding fireworks displays and demagoguing Rebiyah Kadeer on the one hand, versus governing ability on the other?

Finally, consider the nation's future. One cannot discuss infrastructure construction in Kaohsiung without discussing the nation's future. Kaohsiung was once the engine of the Republic of China economy. But the DPP now insists that Kaohsiung is a victim of policies that "favor the north at the expense of the south." The DPP seems intent on blaming all of Kaohsiung's ills on central government indifference, rather than on catastrophically mistaken local government conceptions about the nation's future. (One has to wonder whether the DPP's blame game includes the Chen administration, which after all, was in power for eight years?) According to international rating organizations, Kaohsiung City is a city in free fall. Its ranking among the top 500 cities of the world has plummeted from 77th place to 227th place. Among cities on both sides of the Taiwan Strait, its ranking has fallen from 7th place to 10th place. Kaohsiung Harbor was once the world's third largest port. It is now the 13th. Yet Chen Chu has the chutzpah to speak to Kaohsiung voters about "a sense of joy and a sense of honor." Perhaps Yang Chiu-hsing find it incomprehensible. Perhaps he would like voters to awaken from their dream. He said Kaohsiung's potential is great, and can surely become a second Singapore. He has expressed conditional support for ECFA. He has declared his intention to take the middle road, and the path of moderation. The debate over the nation's future has long been a debate between Blue and Green. Perhaps Yang Chiu-hsing's moves will inspire deep soul-searching within the Green Camp. If so, voters who take part in the five cities elections may just get their money's worth.

As the DPP considers the issue of election fairness, it should reflect on the 3/19 Shooting Incident. As the DPP considers the issue of governing ability, it should reflect on its "eight wasted years." As the DPP considers the issue of the nation's future, it should reflect on how it careened down the road from the "Five Noes" to the "Rectification of Names and the Authoring of a New Constitution," and finally smashed into a brick wall. When the DPP points the finger at Yang Chiu-hsing, it should remember four fingers are pointing at itself.

楊秋興催動民進黨三個層次的自省
【聯合報╱社論】
2010.08.10 01:55 am

楊秋興退黨參選大高雄市長最重要的意義,是從民進黨內部觸動了自我反省的契機,帶動了黨內風格與路線的辯證。他說,「我們,選擇了人群最多的那一條路」,「要走一條中道之路」;應是喻指民進黨背離了人群,走在一條偏斜的路上。這場反省與辯證,將隨選情升高而深化,並可循三個層次觀察其發展。

一、選舉公平層次:楊秋興認為初選不公,使他「委屈卻不能求全」。二、治理能力層次:他說「眼看大高雄沒落,令人憂心忡忡」。三、國家路線層次:有條件支持ECFA,宣示將走「中間路線」。

先談選舉公平層次。楊秋興與陳菊初選,主要爭議是在陳菊不悅楊秋興設看板指高雄市失業率高,而楊秋興則認為陳菊誣指他唆使李政憲刊廣告攻擊她。那麼,不妨回顧二○○六年高雄市長選舉,陳菊陣營設計一場「走路工記者會」,而以一一一四票的絲毫差距險勝了黃俊英;一審判陳菊當選無效,二審則認為陳菊的手法「固有可議」,但不屬「強暴、脅迫」,因此判陳菊勝訴。司法審判留下議論空間,而輿論多認為陳菊陣營用的是極不入流的「奧步」。試問:陳菊對黃俊英「公平」嗎?陳菊的勝選又有「正當性」嗎?

其實,民進黨在選舉中的惡劣操作手法可謂罄竹難書,敗壞台灣選舉風氣甚巨;到了二○○四年的三一九槍擊案,則已至震驚世界的地步。若非楊秋興因「細故」而反彈如此強烈,誰知道「選舉不公」在民進黨內竟也是如此令人忍無可忍?

再論治理能力層次。楊秋興與陳菊對比,楊較篤實,陳較靈活。楊的政績評比屢占鰲頭,應非倖致;連獲四次「五星級」縣長的殊榮,可謂亦是辛苦耕耘所致。何況,高雄縣的條件不如高雄市,對照起來,楊的「治理能力」不能謂沒有優於陳菊之處。不料,陳菊藉一場世運會及操作達賴與熱比婭,陡然聲勢暴漲;這使得苦幹實幹九年於茲的楊秋興如何能夠甘服?放煙火的、操作民粹政治的,比苦幹實幹的更能擄獲人心,這或許正是楊秋興忿忿難平的原因。楊秋興幹了九年縣長,他難道不能分辨「治理能力」與「操弄民粹政治」的區別?同理,「黑名單」出身、在台南市撐持九年的許添財,看著跳上立法院主席台的賴清德出線,心中作何滋味?

然而,民進黨在中央執政八年,「操弄民粹政治」的技巧,遠遠勝過其「治理能力」。若非楊秋興退黨抗議,誰能領悟煙火秀及操作熱比婭與治理能力的差別何在?

最後談國家路線層次。談大高雄的建設,不可諱談國家路線。高雄市曾是台灣經濟的火車頭,如今卻一直將自己浸溺在「重北輕南」的酸言酸語中。似乎一切過失皆在中央的冷漠(包括扁政府八年執政?),而不是地方政府對國家路線的思考與操作出了致命性的錯誤。高雄港市所有的世界評比皆呈「自由落體」狀下墜。全球五百城市競爭力評比,高雄市自七十七名暴跌至二二七名;兩岸城市競爭力評比,高雄市亦由第七跌至第十。高雄港則從世界第三大港,掉到了第十三。然而,陳菊卻仍有本事召喚起大高雄選民的「幸福感/光榮感」;這或許使楊秋興大惑不解,而想要喚醒選民於迷夢之中。他說「高雄市條件這麼好,一定能變成第二個新加坡」,又稱「有條件贊成ECFA」,更宣示「中間路線/中道之路」……。楊秋興的動作,若能使得「國家路線」由藍綠爭論,轉變成一場綠營內部的全面深刻自省,那麼全民參與這場五都大選,必可值回「票」價!

論及選舉公平,民進黨應反省三一九槍擊案。論及治理能力,民進黨應反省「失落的八年」。論及國家路線,民進黨應反省從「四不一沒有」到「正名制憲」的躓踣踉蹌、推車撞壁。當民進黨準備指著楊秋興開罵,勿忘有四根手指正指著自己。

No comments: