New Year's Wishes: Consolidate Our Constitutional Rule, Bolster Our International Standing

New Year's Wishes: Consolidate Our Constitutional Rule, Bolster Our International Standing
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
January 1, 2012

Summary: If President Ma is seeking an historical legacy, he must establish it during the next three years. He must lay the foundation for the consolidation of our nation's constitutional rule and the bolstering of our nation's international standing. If the DPP wishes to return to power, it must assume the heavy responsibility of consolidating our constitutional rule and bolstering our international standing.

Full Text below:

Today is New Year's Day, in the 102nd Year of the Republic of China. Today is the 102nd anniversary of our nation's founding. Our wishes for the New Year are to consolidate our nation's constitutional rule, and to bolster our nation's international standing.

Dramatic changes are taking place around the world, in the Taiwan Straits, and on Taiwan. We must consolidate our nation's constitutional rule, and bolster our nation's international standing. We must do this to ensure the survival of the Republic of China. To consolidate our nation's constitutional rule means more than increasing allegiance towards the Republic of China and the Republic of China Constitution. It also means raising the quality of our democracy and its constitutional rule. An effort must be made within the one China framework. We must find a place for the Republic of China within the cross-Strait framework. To bolster our international standing, we must transform Taiwan into a free and open Asian-Pacific economic and trade platform. We must use multilateral world trade and economic ties to bolster the Republic of China's international standing.

The two goals are complementary. If the Republic of China consolidates its system of constitutional rule, both internally and within the cross-Strait framework, it will also bolster its international economic and trade relations. Conversely, free and open international trade and economic relations will help consolidate the Republic of China's system of constitutional rule, both on Taiwan and within the cross-Strait framework.

Let us first address the consolidation of constitutional rule. Constitutional rule in the Republic of China has undergone many shocks over the years, both on Taiwan and within the cross-Strait framework. On Taiwan, DPP leader Frank Hsieh has set forth his "constitutional consensus" and "different constitutional interpretations." On the Mainland, CCP leaders are talking about "using the two sides' existing legal provisions, (i.e., constitutions), as a point of departure." Hu Jintao even said, "We affirm (that both the Mainland and Taiwan are part of one China). This reality is consistent with both sides' existing legal provisions. It is something both sides can accept." This thinking shows that people on Taiwan are not the only ones who realize that "Without the Republic of China, Taiwan's survival cannot be assured." Even Beijing realizes that the "Republic of China's existing legal provisions," i.e., its one China Constitution, is the pillar that supports one China and cross-Strait peaceful development. That is also this newspaper's glass theory. "The Republic of China is a glass, Taiwan is the water.  As long as the glass remains intact, the water remains in the glass. Once the glass is shattered, the water runs off everywhere."

In other words, consolidation of constitutional rule for the Republic of China accords not just with the interests of the public on Taiwan. It also ensures that constitutional rule for the Republic of China survives. As Beijing puts it, "using the two sides' existing legal provisions (i.e., constitutions), as a point of departure." It is also the only way to champion "one China." Therefore it also accords with both sides' interests. Consider the facts. In recent years, Beijing has invested a great deal of effort into Taiwan. Beijing has undeniably been upholding the Republic of China's one China constitution. It has been preventing Taiwan from embarking on the "rectification of names" and undermining the constitution. Put simply, the two sides have a common interest in consolidating the Republic of China's constitutional rule. .

How should these common interests be maintained? Beijing's cross-Strait policy used to be a rigid "Only reunification will do." Now however, its policy has morphed into "exploring cross-Strait political relations under special circumstances in which the nation has yet to be reunified." The two sides should "take existing legal provisions (their constitutions) as a point of departure" in order to sign a peace agreement. This would stabilize "political relations under special circumstances in which the nation has yet to be reunified." The aforementioned common interests would be protected. This is what this newspaper proposed, the signing of a peace agreement under the big roof theory of China.

For the public on Taiwan, consolidating the Republic of China's constitutional rule is not merely something people on Taiwan must strive for. It is also something that both sides of the Taiwan Strait should strive for. For Beijing, this requires an even broader vision. It requires incorporating the big roof theory of China into the one China principle.

Now consider the issue of bolstering our nation's international standing. Consider the global picture, cross-Strait trends, and Taiwan's dilemma. Taiwan's development will probably proceed from ECFA to a free trade zone pilot program, to TIFA, to FTAs, to TPP or RCEP, and finally to a Free Trade Island. But this is no easy path. One. This path will be a major test of Taiwan's internal perseverance and external competitiveness. Two. This path requires adequate cross-Strait goodwill and mutual trust. Beijing must not hobble Taiwan. It must be eager to see it succeed.

This is the path the public on Taiwan must take. It is the only way out for the public on Taiwan. It is not merely the way out for Taiwan's economy. It is also the way to bring cross-strait relations into balance, and to establish international political and economic links.

For Taiwan international trade is inextricably linked with cross-Strait relations. Taiwan independence is no longer possible. The Republic of China must seek a foothold for itself within the one China framework. Taiwan's international trade and economic relations must be conducted within the constitutional framework of the Republic of China. On Taiwan, the public must agree on a national identity and swear allegiance to the same constitution. Otherwise it will be impossible to establish enough cross-Strait goodwill and mutual trust. It will not be easy to fling Taiwan's doors open to international markets. Even if we manage to do so, it may be difficult to keep them open. Beijing's focus is on "political relations under special conditions in which the two sides of the Strait have yet to be reunified." Beijing must consider Taiwan's international political and economic breathing space. Politically Beijing must allow the Republic of China to be accepted as part of China. Taiwanese must be willing to define themselves as Chinese. Interfering with Taiwan's integration into the international economic and trade framework would be counterproductive.

The Republic of China's blueprint for international trade and economic relations requires Mainland support. The Republic of China must insist that it is a "Republic," of "China." Since it is China, therefore it must not pursue independence as Taiwan. Since it is a "republic," therefore it must implement freedom and democracy. Beijing will have no reason to forcibly occupy Taiwan. In other words, reunification will not be easy. Instead, the two sides must behave pragmatically and "maintain political relations under special conditions in which the two sides have yet to be reunified." So-called political relations requires a peace agreement under the big roof theory of China. This would reduce internal friction from Taiwan independence. This would reduce pressure on Beijing to reunify. This would reduce pressures towards reunification and independence. Each side would concentrate on its own internal and external governance. If this can be achieved, the Republic of China can engage in international trade within the framework of cross-Strait political relations.

If President Ma is seeking an historical legacy, he must establish it during the next three years. He must lay the foundation for the consolidation of our nation's constitutional rule and the bolstering of our nation's international standing. If the DPP wishes to return to power, it must assume the heavy responsibility of consolidating our constitutional rule and bolstering our international standing. Citizens of the Republic of China must make the ruling and opposition parties return to these two issues: consolidating our constitutional rule, and bolstering our international standing. This is the only way out for the Republic of China.

新年祝願：鞏固憲政 經營國際
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.01.01

今天是中華民國一○二年元旦，即是開國一○二周年紀念日。我們的新年祝願是：鞏固憲政，經營國際。

 在世界、兩岸及台灣內部皆值劇變的今日，鞏固憲政與經營國際，是中華民國生存發展的兩大課題。鞏固憲政，不僅要改善中華民國內部的國憲認同，與提升民主憲政的運作品質；亦須努力在「一個中國」的範圍中，尋找中華民國在兩岸之間的立足點。經營國際，則在將台灣營造為一個自由開放的亞太經貿平台，藉由多元多邊的世界經貿紐帶，以建立並穩固台灣的國際角色與地位。

 這二者之間，有相輔相成的關係。中華民國能在內部及兩岸鞏固其憲政體制，應有利於經營其國際經貿關係；而自由開放的國際經貿關係，亦有利於鞏固中華民國在內部及兩岸的憲政地位。

 先談鞏固憲政。中華民國憲政經過多年在內部及兩岸的跌宕震盪，在內部出現了如民進黨謝長廷的「憲法共識／憲法各表」；在北京則出現了「從各自現行規定（憲法）出發」的思維，胡錦濤甚至說「確認（大陸和台灣同屬一個中國）這一事實，符合兩岸現行規定，應該是雙方都可以做到的」。這類思考顯示，不但在台灣內部漸已明白「無中華民國則台灣不保」，連北京亦知「台灣的現行規定（一中憲法）」，即是維繫「一個中國」及兩岸和平發展的支柱。此即本報社論所說的杯子理論：「中華民國是杯，台灣是水；杯在水在，杯破水覆。」

 也就是說，鞏固中華民國憲政，非但符合台灣的利益；而維繫中華民國的憲政運作於不墜（從各自現行規定出發），亦是維持「一個中國」的唯一路徑，因而也符合兩岸的共同利益。所以，究其實際，北京近幾年來所做的一切努力，亦不啻皆在維護這一部中華民國的一中憲法而已，或皆在防範台灣以正名制憲顛覆了這部憲法而已。說白了，兩岸在鞏固中華民國憲政上，具有共同利益。

 如何維繫此種共同利益？北京的兩岸政策重心，已由「唯統一」、「非統一不可」之刻板陳述，轉移到「探討國家尚未統一特殊情況下的兩岸政治關係」。直截了當地說，兩岸若能「從各自現行規定（憲法）出發」，簽定《和平協議》之類的架構，以穩定「尚未統一特殊情況下的政治關係」，前述共同利益即可獲得保證，此即本報所主張的：「在大屋頂中國之下簽訂和平協議。」

 準此以論，對台灣而言，鞏固中華民國憲政，不止是要在台灣內部努力，亦須在兩岸之間努力。對北京而言，也須有更超邁開闊的思維，將「大屋頂中國」納入「一個中國原則」。

 再談經營國際。不論從世局、兩岸的發展趨勢，及台灣的處境言，台灣未來的發展路徑圖應是：ＥＣＦＡ→自由經濟示範區→ＴＩＦＡ→ＦＴＡ→ＴＰＰ（或／及ＲＣＥＰ）→自由經貿島。但這不是一條容易走的路：一、要走這條路，對台灣的內在承受力及對外競爭力，皆是重大考驗；二、要走這條路，須有足夠的兩岸善意與互信，使北京不致掣肘，並轉為樂觀其成的助力。

 這條路是台灣不能不走的路，且是台灣的唯一生路；它不只是台灣經濟的出路，也是台灣用以平衡兩岸關係及與國際建立連結的政經架構。

 然而，顯而易見，台灣欲經營其國際經貿角色，亦與兩岸關係糾纏一處。台獨已無可能，中華民國必須在「一個中國」的範圍內尋求立足點，並在此一憲政架構下經營台灣的國際經貿角色。在台灣內部言，若不能建構整合的國憲認同，就不可能建立足夠的兩岸善意與互信，則台灣對國際的自由開放即不易實現，即使實現亦很難維持。在北京言，若將重心置於經營「尚未統一特殊情況下的兩岸政治關係」，即應對台灣的國際政經空間給予考慮；在政治上，北京必須能使中華民國認同為「一部分的中國」，並使台灣人願認同為「中國人」，則禁堵或干擾台灣融入國際經貿架構的手法，恐皆與此背道而馳。

 台灣的國際經貿藍圖必須獲得兩岸關係的支撐。中華民國若能堅持是「中華」的「民國」；「中華」就是不搞台獨，「民國」即是實行自由民主體制；則北京即無理由以武力強取台灣，也就形同宣告「統一」之不易，兩岸即應共同務實經營「尚未統一特殊情況下的政治關係」。我們認為，此一「政治關係」，可以表現於「在大屋頂中國下簽定和平協議」；如此，台灣即可減少「台獨」的內耗，北京也可放緩「統一」的壓力，分別降低統獨的牽絆，致力於各自的內外治理。倘能臻此，台灣亦可在兩岸此種「政治關係」之上，經營其國際經貿角色。

 馬總統若欲建立其歷史定位，應在未來三年多任期內，為鞏固憲政及經營國際奠定基礎；民進黨若欲重新執政，亦當以鞏固憲政與經營國際為重責大任；全體國人更應督責朝野政黨回歸到鞏固憲政及經營國際的兩大課題上，因為這是中華民國的唯一生路。