Taiwan and Mainland must Merge, KMT and CCP must Reconcile

Taiwan and Mainland must Merge, KMT and CCP must Reconcile
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
August 8, 2014

Summary: In 2005 the Lien-Hu summit broke the ice in cross-Strait relations. The opportunities for development it opened up for cross-Strait peace have endured until today. But we have now come to a turning point. We must now reflect, adjust, and regroup. The Want Want China Times Group "Want News" founder Tsai Yen-ming delivered a speech yesterday. He proposed a new way to reflect, adjust, and regroup vis a vis cross-Strait relations.

Full Text Below:

In 2005 the Lien-Hu summit broke the ice in cross-Strait relations. The opportunities for development it opened up for cross-Strait peace have endured until today. But we have now come to a turning point. We must now reflect, adjust, and regroup. The Want Want China Times Group "Want News" founder Tsai Yen-ming delivered a speech yesterday. He proposed a new way to reflect, adjust, and regroup vis a vis cross-Strait relations.

In recent years, cross-Strait relations have not always been smooth sailing. But we have continued to build consensus, seek breakthroughs, and forge ahead. We held the Lien-Hu summit. We reaffirmed the 1992 consensus. We implemented cross-Strait three links. We enabled a growing number of Mainland tourists to visit Taiwan. We signed cross-Strait agreements, including ECFA. We enabled representatives from both cross-Strait associations to visit each other. We declared a cross-Strait diplomatic truce. We enabled Taiwan to return to a number of international organizations. We even enabled the highest officials from Taiwan and the Mainland charged with cross-Strait affairs to meet. Each of these events was an historic breakthrough. Each of them consolidated cross-Strait peaceful development. Each of them benefitted people on both sides. Unfortunately an undercurrent of opposition to improved cross-Strait relations has long haunted us. Cross-Strait relations includes a number of complex Gordian knots. These have yet to be cut, often because of changes in Taiwan's internal politics. Blue vs. green confrontation has steadily escalated, multiplying our problems.

Since late last year, cross-Strait relations have stagnated. They have remained in limbo. One example is the STA, which remained stalled in the Legislative Yuan until March of this year. Sporadic political turbulence led to massive student protests. The student movement was driven by anxiety concerning the future among youths on Taiwan. It revealed hidden whirlpools and reefs that could hinder the peaceful development of cross-Strait relations.

STA review remains stalled. The Cross-Strait Agreement Oversight Bill remains in dispute. The MTA will not be approved in the foreseeable future. The Wang Zhang meeting ignited political turmoil. Cross-Strait relations have reached a stage where the three parties on the two sides, as well as the people in general must face the problems head on. The time to deal with deep-seated contradictions in cross-Strait relations is upon us.

Several deep-seated contradictions bedevil cross-strait relations. One. Cross-Strait relations have been developing peacefully. This has unquestionably enabled the public on Taiwan to benefit. But deep in their hearts, many on Taiwan still distrust and fear the Mainland. A five year long "Annual Survey of Cross-Strait Relations" conducted by the Wang News has released its latest findings. Full liberalization of cross-Strait tourism exchanges has been in effect for some time. Nevertheless a significant percentage of people on Taiwan have yet to meet a single Mainlander. Some people do not even want to interact with people from the other side. Under such circumstances, the two sides must address the historical grievances that remain in the hearts of some on Taiwan.

During the Japanese occupation of Taiwan independent thought was impossible. But beginning in 1949, Taiwan implemented nearly 40 years of anti-Communist, hate Communism public education. This led to a one-sided understanding of modern Chinese history, and ignorance and misconceptions regarding contemporary Chinese development. When Cold War confrontation ended, the Mainland moved toward reform and openess. When the KMT changed its anti-Communist policy, some people remained unaware that times had changed. They interpreted cross-Strait reconciliation as "the KMT and CCP colluding to sell out Taiwan." Such historical problems require more aggressive efforts before they can be overcome.

Many issues are involved. They include the two sides' development since the mid-19th century, the historical significance and merits of the 20th century Chinese revolution, the history and nature of the civil war, and the global significance of Mainland reform and opening. All of these require cross-Strait exchange, dialogue, and consensus. They require extensive discussions and consensus among those in the know on both sides of the Strait. They require public discussion to overcome the historical grievances buried deep inside some people on Taiwan. At the appropriate time, efforts by the major political parties on the two sides may lead to a political declaration, one that removes obstacles to future cross-Strait relations, and that "resolves long-standing cross-Strait confrontation." Only then can the two sides "break through the bottleneck, and establish a deeper level of mutual trust." Only then can Taiwan independence thinking be eliminated. This is the historical and social significance of Mr. Tsai Yen-ming's "KMT-CCP Declaration of Reconciliation" initiative. 

Over the years, "Love for Taiwan" has become a PC slogan. It has become a slogan beloved of government and party officials alike. Populist demagogues determined to incite social tensions dress up their rhetoric with "Love for Taiwan." During blue vs. green political battles, "Love for Taiwan" is used to attack the other party. But what kind of political philosophy or policy advocacy truly expresses "Love for Taiwan?" That is almost never discussed.

The Sunflower Student Movement erupted. The STA was delayed. This underscores the seriousness of this political impasse. To reverse the situation, Mr. Tsai Yen-ming has solemnly appealed to the KMT, the DPP, and the CCP, the three major parties on both sides of the Strait. For the future of Taiwan, "They must speak clearly. They must speak plainly. They must provide the people of Taiwan with the knowledge and experience that will enable them to make the right decisions."

Three. The third deep-seated contradiction in cross-Strait relations concerns confusion over "Taiwan's future and the future of the two sides of the Strait. " Over the years, internal political dialogue and speculation on Taiwan has invariably invoked rigid "reunification" or "Taiwan independence" labels, making progress impossible, and social consensus difficult. To overcome this contradiction, we must abandon this dualistic "either reunification or Taiwan independence" mindset. We must seek out cross-Strait commonalities. We must envision a path of coexistence and shared prosperity. Based on this kind of thinking, Mr. Tsai Yen-ming has proposed that the "two sides each contribute what they do best, and merge into one." This is a flexibile and forward-looking perspective. In this context, it means close economic cooperation between the two sides to achieve specific programs.

The "deep-seated contradictions" in cross-Strait relations cannot be ignored. We must be more pragmatic and courageous. Only then can we face them and resolve them. This is the shared responsibility of everyone on Taiwan and everyone on the Mainland. We must work together for a greater purpose. Mr. Tsai Yen-ming has advanced this novel perspective in the hope of bettering cross-Strait relations.

社論－兩岸要融一、國共要和解
2014年08月08日 04:10
本報訊

兩岸關係從2005年連胡會破冰，開啟了兩岸和平發展契機到今天，可說到了一個轉折期，勢必得歷經一個省思、調整與再昂揚的過程。旺旺中時媒體集團《旺報》創辦人蔡衍明昨天發表演講，為兩岸關係的省思、調整與再昂揚提出新思路。

這幾年來，兩岸關係雖非一帆風順，卻也能不斷凝聚共識、不斷尋求突破、不斷奮勇前進。連胡會的進行，九二共識的再確立，兩岸三通的實現，大陸來台觀光客的不斷成長，包括ECFA在內兩岸各項協議的簽訂，兩會負責人的互訪，兩岸外交休兵的基本實現，台灣重返若干國際組織的功能性活動，以至於台灣與大陸負責兩岸事務最高官員的見面與互訪，每一個事件都堪稱「歷史性的突破」，不但鞏固了兩岸和平發展的趨勢，更大大有利於兩岸民眾。然而，抵制、反對兩岸關係發展的潛流始終存在，兩岸關係中許多複雜難解的結，始終未能鬆解，更往往由於台灣內部政治情勢的變化，藍綠對抗的反覆升高，使得問題治絲益棼。

從去年下半年開始，兩岸關係就顯露某種「停滯」、「徘徊」的跡象，其代表性事件就是《兩岸服貿協議》在立法院的延宕，到今年3月，竟因偶發性政治紛擾而引起了大規模學潮，學潮的起因固然是由於台灣青年世代對前途的焦慮感、不安全感，但確實也暴露了阻礙兩岸關係和平發展的漩渦與暗礁。

《兩岸服貿協議》審查的停擺，「兩岸協議監督條例」的爭執，「貨物貿易協議」的遙遙無期，加上王張會所觸發的一些政治風波，在在顯示兩岸關係走到了兩岸三黨以至於全民都必須面對、處理兩岸關係中「深層次矛盾」的關鍵時刻了。

所謂兩岸關係的「深層次矛盾」，大致有幾個面向。首先，兩岸關係和平發展的實現，確確實實讓台灣民眾得到了利益，但是埋藏於台灣民眾心中的若干「不信任感」、「恐懼感」並未能真正消除。依據《旺報》持續5年的「兩岸關係年度大調查」最新結果，兩岸全面開放觀光交流已經相當一段時間，但仍有相當大比例的台灣民眾沒有「大陸經驗」，仍有一定比例的民眾不願意參與或排斥兩岸之間的交流互動。面對這種情況，兩岸有必要切實面對部分台灣民眾內心深處某種「歷史情結」。

日據時代台灣並無台獨思想，但自1949年後，台灣進行了近40年的反共、仇共教育，造成民眾對中國近代史的片面理解，及對當代中國發展歷程的陌生無知與錯誤認識。當冷戰對立解凍，大陸走向改革開放，當國民黨改變反共國策，卻仍有一部分的民眾沒有認知到時代的變化，反而將兩岸和解進程視為「國共聯手賣台」。面對這種歷史遺留的問題，需要以更積極的努力來加以突破。

19世紀中葉以來兩岸發展的歷程，20世紀中國革命的歷史意義與功過，國共內戰歷史定位的再檢討，改革開放以來中國道路的世界性意義等等課題，都需要兩岸的有識之士交流對話，凝聚共識，並透過民間廣泛的討論與思辨，清理埋藏在台灣民眾內心深處的「歷史情結」，適當時機，透過兩岸主要政黨的努力，形成政治性的宣言，為未來兩岸關係的進一步發展掃除障礙，「化解兩岸多年來的對立」，兩岸之間也「才能突破瓶頸，建立更深一層互信」，台獨思想也才能消除。這是蔡衍明先生倡議「國共和解宣言」的歷史性、社會性的意義。

多少年來，「愛台灣」已成了政治正確的口號，政府、政黨以愛台灣來包裝政策和政治口號，政治人物操弄族群民粹也披著愛台灣的外衣，藍綠對抗、政黨惡鬥，更是拿「愛不愛台灣」來相互攻訐，散播口水。至於什麼樣的政治理念、政策主張才是「真道理性」、「真愛台灣」，幾乎沒有任何討論的空間與機會。

太陽花運動的爆發，《兩岸服貿協議》的延宕，正突顯了這種政治困局的嚴重性與複雜性。為了扭轉這種局面，蔡衍明先生鄭重呼籲國民黨、民進黨與共產黨這兩岸三大政黨，將他們對台灣前途的主張「說清楚、講明白，讓台灣人民有正確的認識和體會，台灣人民才能做出正確的選擇。」

兩岸關係深層次矛盾的第三個主要面向就是「台灣前途、兩岸前途」的迷茫不明。多少年來，台灣內部即使有所謂的政治討論與思辨，都始終僵固在「統一」、「獨立」等標籤與口號的層面，使得討論無法前進，社會難有共識。要克服這種矛盾，我們實在有必要拋棄這種「非統即獨」的二元對立思維，找到兩岸互利共生、共存共榮的願景與路徑。正是基於這樣的思考，蔡衍明先生也才提出了「兩岸各自貢獻彼此的優點，融合為一體」這樣一個靈活性與前瞻性的主張，以及在這樣的前提下，兩岸實現經濟緊密合作的具體方案。

兩岸關係的「深層次矛盾」，不容迴避，更需要務實而勇敢的面對與解決，這是全體台灣人、全體中國人必須共同承擔、共同推進的大事業，也是蔡衍明先生拋磚引玉提出兩岸關係新思路所企盼。