Eric Chu's First Mile vs. Tsai Ing-wen's Final Mile

Eric Chu's First Mile vs. Tsai Ing-wen's Final Mile
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation 
January 21, 2015

Executive Summary: Eric Chu did not start his first day as KMT chairman with much fanfare. Instead he quietly announced some new generation ideas and approaches. Chu has been mocked as "the weakest party chairman ever." Yet his first mile as party chairman went off without a hitch. Can he resolve the differences between Ma Ying-jeou and Wang Jin-pyng? Today's Central Standing Committee meeting will provide the answer to that question.

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Eric Chu did not start his first day as KMT chairman with much fanfare. Instead he quietly announced some new generation ideas and approaches. Chu has been mocked as "the weakest party chairman ever." Yet his first mile as party chairman went off without a hitch. Can he resolve the differences between Ma Ying-jeou and Wang Jin-pyng? Today's Central Standing Committee meeting will provide the answer to that question.

On his very first day, Chu announced several noteworthy personnel appointments and policies. One. He appointed Lai Shyh-bao, Huang Chao-hsun, and Lu Hsiu-yen to party posts. This should enable the party to act as a buffer between the Cabinet and the Legislature. Two. Out of seven deputy chairmen, he retained only two: Hau Lung-ping and Huang Ming-hui. He chose not to automatically assign former cabinet members to party posts. Three. Chu canceled Ma Ying-jeou's "Chungshan Conference". Party decision-making will now revert to the Central Standing Committee. Four. Party cadres were reorganized. Li Si-chuan, the Secretary-General of the Executive Yuan, will serve as Party Secretary-General. He will draw upon his qualifications and his relationship as a confidant.

First, Chu eliminated pro forma appointments. For example, he reduced the number of Deputy Chairman seats and discontinued the Chungshan Conference. The party's Central Standing Committee will now play a more substantial role in decision-making. Secondly, he increased the Party Central Committee's role, enabling it to coordinate between the executive and the legislature. Legislators will now serve as deputy secretary-generals for the party. Cabinet decisions have long been hampered by ruling party legislators. This is a structural problem that requires a remedy. Thirdly, this "weakest party chairman ever" has found a lever by which to apply pressure. He can use it to coordinate the cabinet with the legislature. These upper level structural reforms will soon be complete. The party machine lacks fighting ability. Its mindset is overly conservative. Chu will have his work cut out for him. He must recruit more talent for the Party Central Committee.
Only then can be begin anew.

Do these changes mean that Chu wants the party to lead the government? That inference may be premature. The Kuomintang may be in power, yet it has been blocked every which way it turns. It cannot get anything done. Most importantly, Chu must unify the party from top to bottom, and not just talk about who will be leading whom. In short, without President Ma, the Kuomintang would not be the ruling party at the central government level today. Wang Jin-pying would not be Legislative Speaker. He would be trampled underfoot in the legislature. On the other hand, KMT ineffectiveness while in power cost it the support of the people. That is why it went down in defeat. That is why it has a new party chairman today. The KMT faces challenges. How can it maximize benefits to the people? How can it regain lost public support? Those are the questions it should be asking. Not quibbling over who will be boss, or who must listen to whose commands.

Over the past two years, observers have been making prognostications about the 2016 presidential election. Many of them assumed that the election would be a showdown between Tsai and Chu. Who knew that the nine in one election results would shatter their expectations? Tsai Ing-wen need only complete the final mile. Eric Chu, on the other hand, is fettered, and is only beginning his first mile. The race between the two reminds one of the tortoise and hare. Tsai is well ahead in the game. That is why Chu announced that he will not run for president in 2016.

Will Chu run or not? Either way, the KMT cannot forfeit the race. President Ma said that if the KMT fails to retain the presidency in 2016, then his eight years in office was a failure, and his legacy will be called into question. Ma Ying-jeou is in the last year of his term. His prime concern should be the rescue and revival of his party. He must have the courage to change. He must let the new chairman show what he can do. Together they must restore the party's past glory.

Will Eric Chu be a good party chairman? He and Ma Ying-jeou have a good relationship. President Ma apparently let Eric Chu make his own appointments. He did not interfere. Such tolerance called for moderation on Chu's part, to ensure a gentlemanly relationship. Every Monday when the presidential palace calls a senior party and government meeting, Chu does his best to attend. This shows his respect for Ma. It also helps maintain smooth communications between the party and the administration. The KMT's defeat was prompted mainly by its hermetic decision-making process. If everyone opens their hearts for the sake of the nation, the wisdom of the people will far exceed the wisdom of a handful of insiders. Why assume that Ma and Chu will form two party central committees?

Eric Chu presided over his first Central Standing Committee meeting today. Nearly 30 members petitioned for the revocation of Wang Jin-pyng's party membership. How Chu deals with this will reveal his leadership style. A majority of the Standing Committee would like to withdraw the motion. Chu could easily go with the flow. That would help the KMT get past this incident. But most importantly, as he treads lightly through this crisis, how will he explain himself? That will reveal whether he has leadership.

Chu has taken his first step towards the Presidency. He neither announced sweeping measures, nor adopted alarming positions. He acted swiftly and said little. Tsai Ing-wen is already beginning her final mile. Chu's first mile seemed effortless. But the road ahead of him is a long one.

朱立倫的第一哩vs.蔡英文的最後一哩
2015-01-21 02:02:01 聯合報 社論

朱立倫出任國民黨主席第一天，沒有太戲劇化的演出，倒也不慍不火地傳達了一個中生代政黨領導人的新想法與新作法。雖被譏為「最弱的黨主席」，朱立倫黨主席的第一哩路起手式堪稱明快；至於他能否有效解決馬英九與王金平之間的歧見，今天的中常會便見分曉。

朱立倫上任首日，發布了幾項值得注意的人事與新政：第一，延攬賴士葆、黃昭順、盧秀燕出任黨職，讓黨可扮演內閣與國會間的溝通角色；第二，七名副主席僅保留郝龍斌、黃敏惠兩人專任，拋開原來一群人排排坐的形式主義；第三，取消馬英九創設的「中山會報」，讓黨的決策中心重回中常會；第四，黨內幹部作了小幅改組，李四川由行政院祕書長出任黨祕書長，借重其協調資歷及親信關係。

這些布局，一則具有「去儀式化」作用（如副主席席位的減少及中山會報停開），使黨的中常會具有更多實質決策作用；二則強化黨中央在行政和立法之間的協調及轉承角色（如立委出任黨副祕書長），改善內閣決策屢遭執政黨立委掣肘的結構問題；三則為「最弱黨主席」找到自己的槓桿作用點，在內閣與國會之間協助平衡、協調。俟這些上層架構大致完成後，朱立倫對黨機器戰鬥力不足、思維老舊的問題，未來恐怕還要加一把勁，延攬更多人才加入黨中央，才能展開一番新局。

上述改變，是不是能解讀為朱立倫意圖「以黨領政」，恐怕言之過早。事實上，正當國民黨陷入政權在握卻左右碰壁、令出不行之際，當前最重要的，是要舉黨上下一心重新找回黨的能量和熱力，而不是在那裡奢談誰領導誰。簡言之，如果沒有馬總統，國民黨今天不會有中央的執政權，也就不會有國會的王金平院長，在立法院也將任人宰割；然而，也正因為國民黨執政大權在握卻無法有效執政爭取民心，才會有去年底的慘敗，才會有如今的黨主席的交接。現在，國民黨面對的挑戰，是如何共同把政權造福百姓的效益發揮到最大，以挽回失去的民意，而不是在那裡區分誰才是老大、誰該聽誰的命令。

近兩年，外界看待二○一六年的總統大選，許多人原預料應該是蔡英文與朱立倫的「英倫對決」之局；誰料，九合一選舉結果，狠狠打破了這個想像。當蔡英文只剩下她「最後一哩」的衝刺，朱立倫卻因為形勢羈絆，至今只跨出他的「第一哩」；兩人之間，像烏龜和兔子的賽跑，遠遠拉開了距離。這也是朱立倫宣布不選二○一六的主因。

然而，不管朱立倫選或不選，國民黨都不可能放棄此役。對馬總統而言，如果二○一六無法保住政權，那將代表著他八年執政的失敗，他的歷史定位勢將難堪。也因此，馬英九在他任期的最後一年多，應該以全力追求黨的再興為務，勇敢接受改變，並放手讓新主席發揮能量，共同把黨的光榮找回來。

不可諱言，朱立倫能否扮演好黨主席角色，他和馬英九關係的良窳是一大關鍵。從朱立倫這波布局來看，顯然馬總統選擇放手讓他去做，並未介入或干預。這樣的氣度，就需要朱立倫適度的「尊重」，來維持雙方的君子關係。至少，每周一在總統府召集的高層黨政會報，朱立倫應儘可能出席，除保持「尊馬」的禮貌，也是保持黨政交流的通暢。國民黨的敗績，主要即肇因於決策思維的封閉；如果大家能敞開心胸，為全民利益著想，眾人的智慧豈有不勝過一小撮人的道理，又何必認為馬、朱將形成「兩個黨中央」？

朱立倫今天的第一個中常會，已有近卅名中常委連署要求撤銷對王金平黨籍案的告訴；他將如何處理這項提案，正是觀察朱立倫領導風格的切入點。根據目前多數中常委的意向，會中決議撤銷的機會極大，朱立倫其實不難順水推舟，幫國民黨了卻這一樁公案；但重要的是，在輕騎過關之餘，他將用什麼說詞解釋這項決定，那才是顯示他領導高度的指標。

朱立倫跨出主席的第一步，談不上大刀闊斧或姿態驚人，卻是簡潔明快，無需多言。然而，比起蔡英文已走到艱險的最後一哩，他的第一哩路看似輕鬆，接下來的路卻是漫長無比。