Four Reform Suggestions for Eric Chu and the KMT

Four Reform Suggestions for Eric Chu and the KMT
United Daily News Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
January 06, 2015

Executive Summary: The KMT is in a predicament. One. In recent years, it has governed poorly. Two. It has fallen victim to long term “greying.” These two problems will require more than just time to address. They will also require new thinking, new attitudes, and new operating methods. In any case, this is hardly something that electing a new chairman can solve. This is not the sole responsibility of a single party chairman. Eric Chu must encourage everyone to think anew. Only then can the party reverse its fortunes.

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Since its election defeat late last November, everyone in the KMT has been afraid to break the silence. Eric Chu is seeking the party chairmanship. That of course is a welcome move. He has suggested a number of reform proposals while on tour. Angry demands for party reform were anticipated. But surprisingly they have failed to materialize. This is puzzling. A full month has passed, yet the defeated blue camp remains eerily silent. That is not a good sign.

The KMT has suffered a serious defeat. Yet no one inside the KMT is demanding an accounting. The main reason may be that President Ma Ying-jeou resigned shortly after the elections. Everyone is waiting for a new generation leader to address the matter upon his election. But political parties are "political organisms.” The KMT has long been overly reliant on strongman leadership. This has led to the gradual failure of the party machinery, to tone-deafness regarding social currents, and unresponsiveness to shifts in public opinion. In other words, if the KMT merely follows Chu's lead instead of Ma's lead, it will remain calcified and out of touch. What is required is creative thinking and listening to the public.

The current situation suggests that the KMT should promote four basic reforms, and begin as soon as possible. It cannot afford to delay. One. It must consider the matter of talent and campaign ability. One of the main shortcomings of the KMT's political culture, is its preoccupation with bickering over internal resources, its inability to recruit outside talent, and cultivate new talent. Over the long term, this has led to inbreeding and cliquishness. Ambitious and creative talents are marginalized and the party is hollowed out. Between 2009 and today, KMT membership fell from 50,000 to 35,000. The speed of the fall surpassed all expectations. Clearly the KMT leadership has been derelict in recruiting new members.

One. A shortage of talent will of course affect the party's ability to wage campaigns. When the Ma government attempts to implement policy, party members often gang up on it. The DPP, by contrast, derives its support largely from the surrounding community or social movements. Among these, dissidents often belong to several societies. One man often plays several roles. They use different pulpits from which to speak. The blue camp, by contrast, has no countermeasures against such attacks. They are unable to win agreement from their opponents. They are unable to organize any sort of counter-force. They often have no idea how to counter an opponent's argument. We do not believe the Kuomintang lacks all talent. But the party leadership must recognize it and reward it. Unless it does so, it will not be able to change its operational methods. In which case, what difference will having 30,000 members make?

Two. Consider the matter of party assets. Despite repeated party asset reorganizations, the matter has yet to be put to rest. It has become an albatross around the KMT's neck. Eric Chu recently declared that the party must totally divest itself of improper assets. This is the proper approach. The party assets are held by only a few. Most party members never get even a whiff of them. Political candidates do not share in them. Yet the entire party is constantly vilified and humiliated over them. If the KMT continues to bear this heavy burden, it will eventually be crushed. The party must first totally divested itself of all its improper assets. The party's hiring practices and financial practices must be changed. Only this will rid the party of its "big but illegitimate" party structure. At which time, it can emulate the DPP, and require public servants to donate a certain percentage to candidates as campaign funds and underwrite any shortfalls.

Three. Consider the matter of party democratization. The KMT has a rigid seniority system. It is rife with pro forma ritual. Worse, this seriously affects the internal exchange of views. It makes it hard for subordinates to express views to superiors. Following the election, Eric Chu should reform the Central Standing Committee communication channels. He should include more diverse voices. He should make party policy match the pulse of society. The KMT "Examination Board" is formed by non-democratic means. When Wang Jin-pyng was expelled from the party, this problem reared its ugly head. The courts ruled the election invalid. Following the election, Eric Chu should convene a party assembly as soon as possible. Future Examination Board members should to be elected. Only then will their decisions not be repeatedly challenged.

Four. Consider the matter of younger party members. The KMT has abundant resources. Yet it cannot attract young people. This is because the party's manner of operation is too old fashioned. The party has suffered a major blow. Yet it still refuses to budge. Eric Chu recently addressed this matter. He vowed to "use the Internet to link members with the public." Allowing party members to make proposals directly on the Internet or communicate with other party members is of course a good first step. But it is not enough. Just look at how Tsai Ing-wen surrounded herself by the "Youth Corps" during the 2012 election. Many of them became Sunflower Student Movement members and opponents of Ma during the nine in one elections. If the KMT fails to cultivate a new generation of leaders, it will only go further astray, and never win the hearts of young people.

The KMT is in a predicament. One. In recent years, it has governed poorly. Two. It has fallen victim to long term “greying.” These two problems will require more than just time to address. They will also require new thinking, new attitudes, and new operating methods. In any case, this is hardly something that electing a new chairman can solve. This is not the sole responsibility of a single party chairman. Eric Chu must encourage everyone to think anew. Only then can the party reverse its fortunes.

給朱立倫和國民黨的四點改革建議
2015-01-06 聯合報 社論

從十一月底的選舉慘敗至今，國民黨似乎陷入了萬馬齊瘖的境地。朱立倫以同額競選主席當然是眾望所歸，也在巡迴政見會上陸續提出了一些改革主張；但相對的，黨內憤怒及檢討的聲音遠不如預期，卻是令人不解的事。才經過一個多月，藍營敗選的焦慮似乎已經日漸平復，這絕對不是好現象。

歷經慘烈的敗仗，國民黨內竟未聞砲聲隆隆，主要原因或許是馬英九已在選後不久即辭去主席，大家正等待新黨魁的產生，再來談論下一步興革。然而，從政黨作為「政治有機體」的角度看，國民黨長期以來正是因為過度瞻望上意、仰賴一人領導，以致整部黨機器逐漸失靈，社會觸角鈍化，致無法靈敏回應民意的變化。亦即，國民黨若僅從「唯馬首是瞻」移向「唯朱意為先」，恐怕無法全盤解決黨與社會脫節和組織僵化的問題，這需要更多的社會傾聽與黨內的腦力激盪。

從目前顯而易見的跡象看，我們認為，國民黨應該全力推動的改革工程有四，且必須儘速著手，不能再拖。

首先，人才與戰力的問題：國民黨政治文化的主要弊病之一，是汲汲於內部資源的爭奪與鞏固，卻拙於對外的擴張與求才，更吝於培植新人。長期下來，便形成封閉式的近親繁殖生態，安於小圈圈的穩定，有企圖心及有創意的人才則漸漸遭到排擠和淘空。從二○○九年至今，國民黨員人數從五十萬人下降到卅五萬人，流失速度之快，遠超乎想像，也可見黨中央經營黨員漫不經心。

人才不足，當然影響到黨的戰鬥能力。馬政府施政經常受到圍剿和抗爭，尤以民進黨的周邊團體或社運組織為大宗。其中，有些異議者同時組織數個社團，一人分飾多角，利用不同的發言位置不斷發動攻擊；然而，藍軍對這些攻訐之聲卻毫無應對之策，既不爭取對方認同，也不組織自己的反制部隊，有時連發言反駁都不知所云。我們不相信國民黨內沒有人才，但如果黨中央不能知人善任、不能改變經營策略，坐擁卅幾萬黨員又有何用？

第二，黨產的問題：黨產歷經數次整頓，始終未曾徹底解決，成為國民黨被妖魔化的包袱。朱立倫最近宣示，不當黨產要全數「歸零」，這是正確的方向。試想，黨產握在少數操盤者手中，一般黨員嗅不到，參選者分不著，而整個黨卻不斷遭到醜化及羞辱；國民黨若繼續扛著這個大包袱，只會被壓垮。我們建議，一旦黨產歸零，黨的用人及財務都需重新調整，才能甩掉「大而不當」的結構；屆時，可以效法民進黨作法，要求公職參選人捐出一定比例的「選舉補助款」，以濟財務之不足。

第三，黨內民主化問題：國民黨論資排輩之森嚴，不僅充斥著形式主義的虛文，更嚴重影響到內部意見的交流，尤其不利下情之上達。朱立倫當選後，應設法改革中常會的黨政溝通平台，納進更多元的聲音，讓黨的施政能更貼近社會的脈動。此外，國民黨「考紀會」的組成未經民主選舉程序產生，已在王金平的「開除黨籍案」中連遭挫敗，被法院判為無效；朱立倫當選後，應盡速召開黨員大會進行改選，未來考紀委員至少需由黨代表選舉產生，才不致屢屢遭到挑戰。

第四，黨的年輕化問題：國民黨的資源豐沛，卻無法吸引年輕人投入，和黨的作風太過老大有關；這在歷經首次政黨輪替的強烈衝擊後，依然未能調整。朱立倫近日談到這個問題，宣稱要「用網路連結網員和人民」，讓黨員可以直接在網路上提案或與幹部溝通，這固然是邁開了一步，但仍遠遠不足。只需看蔡英文二○一二年大選時在地方帶出一批「青年軍」，其中不少人如今已成為太陽花學運及九合一反馬的主力；國民黨如果不思向新世代扎根，未來只會越漂越遠，再也抓不住年輕人的心。

國民黨目前的困境，一是近年執政不力的影響，二是長期的結構老化所致；這兩點，不僅需要時間調整，更必須在思維、心態及經營上都要有所轉變。無論如何，這不是選出一個新主席就能解決，更不是黨主席一個人的責任，朱立倫必須鼓勵大家跟他一起動腦，才有逆境翻轉的可能。