KMT: Unity Prior to the Election, Reform Afterwards

KMT: Unity Prior to the Election, Reform Afterwards
China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
October 18, 2015

Executive Summary: The chief justification for replacing Hung Hsiu-chu was her "one China, same interpretation" slogan. Many assumed it was beyond the Kuomintang pale. In fact, "one China, same interpretation" is not the least bit radical. It merely reduces the ambiguity within the 1992 consensus. Negative spin control has made current KMT cross-Strait  policy little different from Tsai Ing-wen's.

Full Text Below:

The result of yesterday's KMT plenary session was no surprise. The vast majority of party representatives and Standing Committee members voted to replace Hung Hsiu-chu with Eric Chu as the Kuomintang's presidential candidate. Dissent within and without the venue did not change this fait accompli. Only now has the KMT finally decided on a candidate. It is now less than 100 days away from election day. Time is short. Can the KMT change its grim presidential prospects? Can it save its legislative campaign from imminent disaster? No one knows. But at least Eric Chu is finally assuming responsibility for the crisis.

Understandably, Hung Hsiu-chu, who was replaced in such an unseemly manner, is indignant with her unjust treatment. She was nominated through proper channels, in strict accordance with the party's nominating procedure. Denied support from party comrades, she campaigned alone for months. Yet today, in flagrant violation of the party's own procedures, she has been summarily replaced. She has been denied any opportunity to present her campaign platform in public debate. Naturally she feels aggrieved. What is most admirable about her however, is that despite the revocation of her candidacy, she held the moral high ground in her public statement.

For Hung Hsiu-chu, the battle is over. She fought the good fight. When not a single candidate from the most powerful KMT factions refused to step up to the plate, Hung chose to do battle for the party. She participated in the party primaries. She tackled every challenge. Step by step, she championed her political views. The party provided her scant support and few resources. She failed to generate much momentum. But her sincerity and devotion touched the hearts of many. Now, concerned for the bigger picture, she has stood down with grace, leaving behind a highly favorable personal image.

The question now is, how will Eric Chu proceed. He knows better than anyone else that the ideal time for him to enter the race has long passed. He initially had no intention of running. He campaigned on behalf of Hung Hsiu-chu repeatedly. Now however, he has replaced Hung to prevent a debacle in the legislative elections. This is a responsibility he cannot shirk as party chairman. Never mind that doing so is extremely unfair to Hung Hsiu-chu. All he can do now is assume a low profile and attempt to mollify Hung. Will replacing Hung reverse the KMT's fortunes in the legislative elections? That is hard to say. But Eric Chu has finally assumed responsibility.

Whether the KMT should have replaced Hung with Chu, is debatable. But all that can be done now is to set aside grievances, bury the hatchet, and unite under Eric Chu and the KMT Central Committee. The KMT must form a presentable election team ASAP. It must begin campaign mobilization. It must begin final stage campaigning. After all, less than 100 days remain until election day. The KMT has no time to worry about the past. It must fight the battle in front of it. The rest must wait until after the election.

The public supports peaceful cross-Strait  relations. Eric Chu initially evaded responsibility. He then ruthlessly mistreated Hung Hsiu-chu. This is deeply repugnant. But so far the DPP and Tsai Ing-wen have refused to recognize the 1992 Consensus. In 2016 it is likely they will control both the presidency and the legislature. But this means they must be even more cautious. Taiwan needs a political party able to work with the Mainland and check the DPP. Faced with larger considerations as these, blue camp supporters must be willing to set aside their grievances and re-unite.

On core values and cross-Strait  policy, differences exist within the KMT. The party's election procedures and personnel training approach have led to cliquism. This has created a serious brain drain among young people and grass-roots level cadres. These problems must be thoroughly reviewed following the elections, regardless of the final outcome.

The KMT also has structural problems. First, the party “A Listers” were reluctant to enter the race. Party “B Listers” such as Hung Hsiu-chu and Yang Chi-liang collected signatures in strict accordance with party primary requirements. Who knew that with the exception of the Huang Fu-shing party faction, the Kuomintang was merely an empty shell? The party re-registration procedure held a few years ago was an empty gesture. It failed to lead to a presentable party membership roster. The result lacked any organizational structure whatsoever.

Even more serious is the KMT's disconnect with society. The party nomination process has resulted in candidates arbitrarily being replaced at whim. Unless the procedure is revised, the Kuomintang's “intra-party democracy” will remain a joke. The candidate generated by the KMT nomination process for Taipei Mayor during the nine in one elections failed even to win the support of diehard loyalists. This shows how out of touch the KMT's nomination process is from society.

The chief justification for replacing Hung Hsiu-chu was her "one China, same interpretation" slogan. Many assumed it was beyond the Kuomintang pale. In fact, "one China, same interpretation" is not the least bit radical. It merely reduces the ambiguity within the 1992 consensus. Negative spin control has made current KMT cross-Strait  policy little different from Tsai Ing-wen's.

President Ma's "no unification, no independence, no use of force" cross-Strait  policy, based on the 1992 consensus, has served its purpose. Cross-Strait  relations now traverse deeper waters. The 1992 consensus must be taken further. If the KMT refuses to accept "one China, same interpretation”, how can the KMT take the 1992 consensus further? The DPP advocates "maintaining the status quo".  The KMT must clarify its position, and build consensus within the party.

選前先求團結 選後國民黨須改造

2015年10月18日 中國時報

不出意外，在絕大多數出席黨代表和中常委力挺下，昨天國民黨臨全會正式演出「拔柱換朱」戲碼，場內外雖出現若干雜音，但已無礙大局的底定。也是到了此時此刻，國民黨才算最終確定了提名參選人。距離正式投票日已不到一百天了，短短時間內，能否拉抬低迷的總統選情，能否挽救瀕臨崩盤的立委選舉，誰都拿不準，但至少眼前這個危局，朱立倫承擔了！

可以理解，在如此難堪的局面下被撤換，洪秀柱的心境自是非常委屈與不平，她是一路循制度化競爭管道爭取到提名資格，並在缺乏政黨與同志奧援處境下，以孤鳥姿態辛勤奔走數月，如今卻在程序正義顯見瑕疵的操作下，被迅速而有效率的撤換，連爭取政見理念辯論的機會都沒有，她的怨懟自是非常強烈！然而值得敬佩的是，在確定參選人資格被撤銷後，洪的聲明依舊表現了她的高度！

對洪秀柱而言，這場美好的戰役已打過！她是在國民黨內所有實力派全都表態不選窘境下，毅然決然站出來為黨出征，從黨內初選開始，她認真對待每一項挑戰與考驗，一步一腳印宣揚她的政見與理念，儘管黨內給她的支持與資源相當微薄，縱然她並沒有營造起很大的聲勢，但她的真誠與付出還是感動了不少人，如今她以顧全大局的高度選擇退場，已留下漂亮的身影！

接下來的危局，就要看朱立倫怎麼接棒走下去了！他自己其實比誰都清楚，他參選最好的時機已過，他本人並沒有參選意願，已經數度公開為洪秀柱造勢，如今演成必須「拔柱換朱」的局面，並非他又有參選的意念，完全是為了挽救立委崩盤的危局，這是他做黨主席無所逃避的承擔，縱使如此做對洪秀柱極其不公平，也只能放低姿態去安撫，最終究竟能否拉抬早已低迷的立委選情，還很難論斷，但他終究一肩扛起了！

就國民黨立場而言，不論「拔柱換朱」有多少值得非議之處，此時此刻，只能暫時放下所有的恩怨，捐棄所有是非與不平，團結在朱立倫的黨中央指揮下，在最短的時間內組成一個像樣的團隊，啟動政黨規格的選舉動員，展開最後階段的選戰，畢竟只剩下不到一百天，國民黨已沒有任何時間再去計較過去，至少先將眼前這場選戰打完，一切待選後再議。

就支持兩岸和平發展路線的民眾而言，朱立倫逃避責任在先、對洪秀柱無情無義在後，雖然令人深不以為然，但民進黨蔡英文至今拒絕接受九二共識，2016年卻很有可能取得完全執政優勢，卻可能更需要警覺。台灣不能缺少一個有能力與大陸維持善意互動的政黨來制衡民進黨，大是大非考量下，相信藍營支持者願意捐棄成見重新團結起來。

不過，不能否認，國民黨確實存在核心價值與兩岸政策路線分歧問題，黨的選舉與人才培養拔擢機制也有小圈子化現象，已造成嚴重的青年人才流失與基層幹部斷層問題。這些問題在選舉結束後，不論最終的結果為何，都必須進行完整的檢討！

先談黨的結構問題，早先黨內A咖都表態不願參選，B咖的洪秀柱與楊志良循黨內連署方式參選，結果不玩還好，一玩才知道除了黃復興系統，國民黨的黨員結構跟空殼子其實沒有兩樣，數年前玩的黨員重新登記，彷彿白忙一場，連個像樣的黨員名冊都沒有，結構不只是鬆散，根本已經是無組織了。

國民黨的結構與社會結構脫節現象更是嚴重，一個循黨內機制產生的參選人，竟然會演成被撤換的後果。如果這樣的黨結構再不改造，國民黨所謂黨內民主，只會是個笑話。九合一選舉台北市長提名依循黨內提名機制產生的參選人，竟然連國民黨基本盤都守不住，可知國民黨提名機制與社會真實結構的距離有多麼遙遠？

再談路線問題，這次洪秀柱被撤換主因，是有不少人認為她的「一中同表」逾越了國民黨的路線，事實上「一中同表」一點都不激進，它只是將「九二共識」的模糊降低而已，然而被負面操作的結果，弄到國民黨當下的兩岸政策，已經跟蔡英文沒有太大差異了。

馬總統九二共識下的「不統、不獨、不武」兩岸政策已經達成階段性的貢獻，兩岸關係進入深水區後，九二共識必須深化。如果國民黨不接受「一中同表」，國民黨將如何深化九二共識？或者與民進黨雷同將主張「維持現狀」，國民黨必須釐清並建立黨內共識。