China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
April 8, 2016
Executive Summary: The KMT is in dire straits. The party is riven by factionalism. Controversy rages over its future path. Public support is plummeting. Can Hung Shiu-chu overcome personal likes and dislikes, and reunify the party? Can she rally the blue camp, shatter the party's monopolistic structure, enable full participation, and get the party back on course? Judging from Hung Shiu-chu's initial moves, there is reason for concern.
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The KMT is in dire straits. The party is riven by factionalism. Controversy rages over its future path. Public support is plummeting. Can Hung Shiu-chu overcome personal likes and dislikes, and reunify the party? Can she rally the blue camp, shatter the party's monopolistic structure, enable full participation, and get the party back on course? Judging from Hung Shiu-chu's initial moves, there is reason for concern.
Only 16% of party members voted in the party chairmanship election, far less than the 51% who voted in 2008 following the defeat of the DPP. On the other hand, Hung Shiu-chu received zero support from the party machinery, yet still received 56.16% of the vote. Therefore this can still be seen as a sign of party unity.
This "low turnout, high percentage" voting phenomenon, means the KMT has lost public support across the board. Just how many party members remain? That is undoubtedly the KMT's most serious problem.
Political power is eroding the world over. Support for politicians and political parties ebb and flow rapidly. Therefore a crisis can also constitute an opportunity. Can Hung Shiu-chu boost supporters' morale during her first one hundred days? Can she unify the party and achieve interparty pan blue cooperation? If she can, then the KMT may settle down and become a force to check the ruling DPP and regain public support.
Hung Shiu-chu is already party chairman. But political action requires real power, not just a title. To command people, both inside and outside the party, Hung cannot rely on her reputation as “Little Pepper”, a legislator with a sharp tongue. To begin with, she bring her own team members under control. She must solicit opinions from others within her own party. She must embark on a fact finding mission, consulting elders inside and outside her party, and seeking their support.
The People First Party shares the KMT's political roots. The KMT must cooperate with the PFP in the Legislative Yuan. It may even need to coordinate political campaigns during election season. Hung Shiu-chu must seize the initiative. She must reach out to James Soong and seek cooperation. Only then can she check the ruling Democratic Progressive Party. The New Party has long been the KMT's most loyal ally. Before the election, New Party Chairman Yok Mu-ming even considered merging the New Party back into the KMT, and floated this idea to New Party members. The KMT is no longer the ruling party. Now only KMT, NP, and PFP cooperation can check the power of the DPP.
Next, Hung must close the gap between north and south. She must not permit nativists and deep blues to make political hay from their differences. She must coordinate the activities of party legislators. She must propose different legislation for different regions. Legislative caucus unity will be essential for any number of purposes. These include rehabilitating the party's image, cross-strait relations, economic and social welfare legislation. Hung must also deal with the green camp's "Articles for the Disposal of Improper Party Assets" and other legislation pertaining to "transitional justice". Party caucus unity will be essential.
KMT legislators must face difficulties together with the Party Central Committee. They must no longer go their own way, only to be defeated individually. The KMT must concentrate its efforts on specific issues during the new session. When the ruling and opposition parties clash, the KMT must convey a new image. In particular, the KMT must respect the autonomy of the legislative caucus. Chairman Hung was an outstanding former Deputy Speaker of the Legislature. She will successfully fulfill the role of the loyal opposition during Legislative Yuan clashes, and exhibit high standards of conduct.
Hung Shiu-chu must swiftly draft a new KMT cross-Strait policy. She must address issues the KMT has been criticized for overlooking in the past. The CCP and DPP have yet to establish channels of communication. This makes the KMT's role even more important. She must renew channels of communication between the KMT and CCP. KMT-CCP for a must continue. But the format must be changed. Voices from the grassroots on Taiwan must become part of the CCP's decision-making process.
Hung has chosen to define cross-Strait relations, by reaffirming the Republic of China Constitution. This is both sustainable and correct. It will enable Taipei to dialogue with Beijing on the basis of the Ma Xi summit, in Taiwan's best interests. This will be essential to rebuilding public trust in KMT cross-Strait policy.
Hung Shiu-chu should recruit large numbers of outgoing legislators and officials for party posts. Think tanks should absorb outgoing political appointees, including Premier Chang San-cheng. They should form a shadow cabinet that will provide professional assistance to KMT legislators.
The KMT has lost the youth vote. Hung Shiu-chu must form a new youth activities division. Party policy must address matters of concern to the Internet generation. They must move young people. The KMT must take the lead. It must address topics such as youth entrepreneurship and the arts. It must narrow the gap between itself and other political parties. It must respond to grassroots opinion. The KMT Party Central Committee must have the courage to address the often controversial issue of party member voting. Party official nominations should be based on the results of public referendums. This will ensure that potential candidates are closer to the grassroots. Only drawing talent from the grassroots can revive the KMT.
The KMT is a century old political party. Over time it has accumulated a negative image. It carries more historical baggage than other political parties. Hung Shiu-chu cannot achieve much in the short term. But she must focus on the election two years from now. She must respond in advance. She must reorder the party's policies and decision-making processes. The Legislative Yuan must become the party's main battlefield. That is where it must cultivate new talent. Many challenges confront this century old political party. Hung Shiu-chu's task has just begun.
社會支持度持續探底，洪秀柱有能力跨越個人好惡成見， 完成黨內人和、泛藍整合，並打破壟斷機制、全面開放參與、 重建黨的路線等諸多挑戰嗎？從洪秀柱起手式觀察， 還有令人憂心之處。
選後黨主席選舉的51%。但從另一個角度看， 洪秀柱參選並未獲得黨機器協助，仍能得到56.16%得票率， 也算是一次黨內大團結了。
非常快速，所以危機也可能是轉機， 只要洪秀柱能在百日內振奮支持者士氣，團結黨內各方， 進而建立泛藍跨黨合作的默契，相信國民黨很快就可以重整旗鼓， 建立堅實的監督制衡力量，爭取民心支持。
要號令黨內外，不能僅憑藉犀利問政贏來的「小辣椒」封號。首先， 她必須約束近身團隊，多傾聽黨內各種意見， 洪本人也應該展開請益之旅，向黨內外前輩徵詢意見、請求支持。
乃至未來再次選舉時的協調整合， 洪秀柱都必須在第一時間向宋楚瑜主動請益，尋求再次合作， 才能發揮在野黨監督民進黨施政最佳的統合戰力。 新黨一向是國民黨最忠誠的黨友，選前郁慕明主席曾有回黨之意， 主動向新黨招手，也是號召國民黨員的作為。 如今國民黨已失去執政權，國親新整合才更能發揮制衡力量。
絕不能讓外界在本土和深藍的矛盾上繼續作文章； 她必須進行黨籍立委的協調、編整，針對地域差異提出不同的法案。 不論是重整黨的形象、兩岸關係、民生和經濟法案， 乃至應對泛綠陣營「不當黨產處理條例」等圍繞「轉型正義」 的各類爭議性法案，黨團的整合戰力至關重要。
而被各個擊破。國民黨應集中力量， 在新會期選定關鍵性議題和法案，在朝野攻防中， 有理有據打造出國民黨的新形象。立法院尤應尊重黨團自主， 洪主席即是優質的前立法院副院長， 自當引導國民黨從立法院的議事攻防中，成功扮演「忠誠反對黨」 的角色，在國會展現優質的問政風格。
規畫出國民黨新的兩岸政策論述， 並且檢討過去國共論壇受到外界批評的缺失。 在民共尚未見交流管道的情況下，國民黨的角色更形重要， 應重新整理國共交流機制，國共論壇不可停，但一定要改變形式， 讓台灣基層的聲音能進入中共決策圈。
是正確而且具有延伸性的出發點，可以在「馬習會」的基礎上， 繼續和北京當局對話，爭取台灣最大利益， 這對重建民眾對國民黨兩岸政策的信賴感，具有關鍵的影響力。
黨的政策和對外的發言必須針對網路世代關心的議題提出讓青年有感 的主張；在青年創業、網路藝文和新世代話題的引領上， 國民黨必須迎頭趕上、縮小和其他政黨的差距。同時， 在回應基層民意上， 黨中央應勇於改革目前屢屢引發爭議的黨員投票代表性問題， 將黨公職選舉提名辦法改為依全民調結果提名， 讓有意參選的同志更親近基層，才能讓國民黨黨務活化，人才下鄉。
國民黨必須洗刷的負面形象和拆卸的歷史包袱當然比其他政黨更沉重 ，洪秀柱不可能短期內能立竿見影的交出成績，但她必須著眼於2年 後的選戰布局，提前因應，重新理順黨的政策和決策流程， 尤其未來的主戰場必須放在立法院，同時全力培養人才。 面對百廢待舉的百年大黨，洪秀柱的挑戰才開始。