China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
April 29, 2016
Executive Summary: "How can Taiwan possibly refuse to allow US pork imports?” COA chairman to be Tsao Chi-hung touched off a bombshell last week when he asked this question. He provoked public outrage and invited the well-deserved charge that the DPP reverses its position every time it changes from opposition party to ruling party. This was the reason president elect Tsai Ing-wen covered her bets with Washington before the election. Even more importantly, she covered her bets with Tokyo over the importation of irradiated Japanese agricultural and marine products. Needless to say, this warrants even greater public concern.
Full Text Below:
"How can Taiwan possibly refuse to allow US pork imports?” COA chairman to be Tsao Chi-hung touched off a bombshell last week when he asked this question. He provoked public outrage and invited the well-deserved charge that the DPP reverses its position every time it changes from opposition party to ruling party. This was the reason president elect Tsai Ing-wen covered her bets with Washington before the election. Even more importantly, she covered her bets with Tokyo over the importation of irradiated Japanese agricultural and marine products. Needless to say, this warrants even greater public concern.
US pork imports are not an urgent matter at the moment. US presidential candidates from both major parties oppose the TPP. The matter of Taiwan's accession to the TPP can be postponed until after the new US administration is in place. But the promises the DPP made to Japan must be fulfilled immediately. Ever since the DPP won the election, politicians from Japan and Taiwan have been shuttling back and forth between Tokyo and Taipei on a weekly basis. During nearly every meeting, the Japanese line up to demand an end to the ban on agricultural and marine products irradiated by the Fukushima nuclear disaster.
Japan is eager to resume the exportation of agriculture and marine products from the nuclear disaster area to Taiwan. Powerful political interests are the key. Japan's senatorial elections will begin in July. The Liberal Democratic Party is eager for profits to ensure victory at the polls. Taiwan is one of Japan's largest food importers, second only to the United States. Naturally the LDP is concerned. Therefore Japan has exerted disproportionate pressure on Taiwan. It has even threatened us with bilateral reciprocal agreements. Two days ago, the Japanese government brutally seized a fishing vessel from Taiwan, the Dong Sheng Ji 16, at Chong Zi Niao Reef. This is probably an attempt to pressure Taiwan to resume importation of agricultural and marine products from the Fukushima nuclear disaster area.
Protecting the public by ensuring food safety and by restricting the import of certain products is a universal concern. Even Japan, which is pressuring Taiwan to resume importation of agricultural and marine products from the nuclear disaster area, demands it. Also, the WTO allows import restrictions and food safety measures, providing there is sufficient scientific support, and one's motive is not protectionism. The proof can be presented to the international community and general public. Radiation concerns remain unresolved. Taiwan is hardly alone in restricting agricultural and marine imports from these five prefectures in Japan. Korea, Hong Kong, the United States, and Mainland China have all banned food imports from Japan's nuclear disaster area. In fact, they have restricted imports from areas far from these five prefectures. They have restricted imports from as many as 13 prefectures. Japan has from time to time asked these governments to lift their bans. But radioactive seepage from the Fukushima region continues flowing into the sea. Last year products from Chiba were falsely labeled as coming from Tokyo. This made it difficult for the Japanese to demand that foreign governments lift their import restrictions.
Under the circumstances, Taiwan clearly has the right to institute food safety measures. The key is whether a scientific basis exists. Japan insists that radioactive contamination of agricultural and marine products from the five prefectures is no longer a concern. But so far the scientific tests have been conducted by Japan itself, not objective, authoritative third-parties abroad. Therefore our government must stand firm. Japan may not recognize our test standards. Our government need not rush to the front lines. It need not take a position on whether Japanese food is safe or not. Instead it should seek impartial third party opinions from the international community. This should determine whether agricultural and marine products from the nuclear disaster area are safe and import restrictions should be lifted. That will keep Japan from harping on the issue, and give Taiwan a chance to catch its breath.
More importantly, Taiwan must review its current approach of groveling before Japan. Japan claims an EEZ surrounding the waters of Chong Xi Niao Reef. Its claim flies in the face of international law. It is not recognized by any of Japan's neighbors. We do not recognize it as an “island”. Still less do we recognize Japan's claim of an EEZ. Unfortunately the government – long fearful for Taiwan-Japan relations -- has been afraid of drastic action. The new government sees Japan as a “friend”. Having long lost any sense of self, it reflexively surrenders without a fight, and lacks the courage to assert its rights. Japan takes advantage of Taiwan's weakness to do whatever it wants. The new government's ambivalence toward Japan merely encourages it to make trouble in order to exert pressure on Taiwan.
International relations must never mean unilateral concessions toward a “friendly” nation. On the contrary, too many concessions merely make the “friendly” nation insatiable. The international situation may be unfavorable to Taiwan. Our pro-Japan policy may be difficult to change. But Taiwan can still take advantage of global developments. It can still adopt a policy that balances the Mainland, the United States, and Japan. The Ma administration's "peace with the Mainland and friendship with the US and Japan" strategy obtained greater breathing space for Taiwan. Taiwan's status in the Western Pacific has been greatly enhanced. The new government may have no desire to continue Ma government policies. But it must demonstrate wisdom. It must understand the political situation in Japan. It must seek maximum advantage for itself, for the sake of the national interest.
Japan is pressuring us to lift food import restrictions. Behind this pressure lies hidden weakness. Therefore we must drive a harder bargain to achieve the best results. Providing the government can stand the pressure, Japan will makes the final concession. Therefore the new government must be decisive and resolute.
The Dong Sheng Ji 16 incident is an opportunity to discuss lifting the ban on agricultural and marine products from the nuclear disaster area, and aggressively fight for Taiwan's fishing rights in the relevant waters. Regarding the Chong Zi Niao Reef EEZ, the new government must firmly reject the Japanese government's spurious claims. It must dispatch ships to protect our fishing vessels. Only that will provide us with the necessary bargaining chips.
Groveling must not remain the way in which Taiwan habitually relates to Japan. Both the Ma government and the new government must adhere to this fundamental principle.
應該對日本逆來順受嗎？
2016年04月29日 中國時報
「台灣哪有能耐不開放美豬？」準農委會主委曹啟鴻1周前釋出這顆轟天雷，各界譁然，咸認為民進黨立場大變，「換位置就換了腦袋」，合理推論，這是在為蔡準總統兌現開給美國的支票打預防針。但另外還有一張更急迫的支票要兌現，就是日本輻射農水產品開放進口，更需要國人關切。
美豬進口問題暫時還不緊迫，美國總統大選兩黨的主要候選人都反對TPP，台灣加入TPP相關問題至少可以拖到美國新政府成立後再表態；但民進黨開給日本的支票，卻必須立刻兌現。從民進黨勝選後，幾乎每周都有日、台政界人士奔走東京、台北間，幾乎每一場拜會都要提到福島核災農水產品解禁問題，密集到形同「擠兌」。
日方急於要求台灣恢復核災區農水產品進口，關鍵原因是巨大的政治利益。日本7月將舉行參議員選舉，自民黨為了勝選急於營造利多，台灣是日本僅次於美國的進口食品大戶，自然會被自民黨高度重視。日方因而對台灣進行不成比例的施壓，甚至以待簽的雙邊貿易互惠協議為要脅。兩天前日本公務船遠赴沖之鳥礁粗暴扣押台灣漁船東聖吉16號，可視為施壓台灣恢復核災區農水產品的插曲。
基於保障國人食安而限制某些產品進口，原本應該是放之四海而皆準的道理，就連施壓台灣恢復核災區農水產品進口的日本，同樣緊握這一安全閥，而世界貿易組織也不禁止因為食安而實施的進口限制，只要有足夠的科學支撐，確認不是貿易保護行為，就可對國際及國人交代。因為輻射疑慮未解，至今除台灣限制日本5縣農水產品進口，至少還有韓國、香港、美國、中國大陸禁止日本核災區食品進口，且限制區域遠超過台灣的僅5縣，甚至對高達13縣設限。日本不時要求這些國家解禁，但因福島輻射汙水持續偷排入海被抓包，去年又發生產地千葉偽標為東京事件，讓日方要求設限國恢復進口的聲音大不起來。
在這情況下，台灣當然有權設立食安安全閥，其關鍵在於科學依據。日方堅稱5縣的農水產品已無輻射汙染疑慮，但迄今提出的科學鑑驗都是日方自行製作，並非國際上客觀權威第三方的查核。對此政府必須堅守立場，雖然日方也可能不承認我方的鑑驗標準，政府也不必跳上火線認定日本食品安全與否，而應該尋找國際公正第三方進行科學鑑驗，並以此為依據，決定核災區農水產品進口限制的開放與否。如此日本也無法再在此問題上糾纏，台灣亦可贏得更大迴旋空間。
更重要的是，台灣需檢討現今對日本「逆來順受」的做法，日方有關沖之鳥礁的經濟水域界定並不符合國際法，也不為周邊各國所承認，我方亦不承認其為島，更不承認其周邊經濟水域。只可惜政府考量台日關係大局始終不敢採取過激舉動，而新政府也因為長期的友日傳統而自失立場、未戰先敗，始終不敢強硬以對。日本也正是抓住台灣的弱點而予取予求，加上新政府對日態度曖昧不清，日方由此認為可以通過製造事端的方式對台灣施壓。
國際關係的互動從來就不應該是單方面的讓步換取對方的友善，相反，過多的讓步只會讓對方得寸進尺。雖然國際情勢對我不利，友日的政策基調也難以改變，但台灣仍可因勢利導，在中、美、日之間採取平衡策略，馬政府的「和中、親美、友日」策略就證明可為台灣贏得更大的國際空間，台灣在西太平洋區域的地位也大為提升。新政府也許不願意承接馬政府的政策，但也必須展現智慧，在深入了解日本政情的基礎上尋找機會為己所用，謀取自己的國家利益。
在食品進口問題上是日方有求於我，施壓的背後其實是在隱藏自己的虛弱，因此我方應有更大的談判空間爭取最大利益，只要政府能夠頂住壓力，最後讓步的只會是日本，因此，政府應該果斷決策，堅持基本主張。
東聖吉16號事件也應視為我方契機，在商談解禁核災區農水產品進口問題時，積極爭取台灣在相關水域的漁權。在有關沖之鳥礁的經濟水域問題上，新政府應堅定否認日方的論述，甚至持續派出護漁艦船表達立場，才能獲得更大的談判空間。
逆來順受不應該成為台日互動的基本模式，馬政府和新政府都應做到有為有守。
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