Second Ice-Breaking Journey: Response to International Trade Demands

Second Ice-Breaking Journey:
Response to International Trade Demands
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
March 1, 2013

Summary: We are pleased that the Lien-Xi Summit will build on the previously established foundation for cross-strait relations, as well as offer new hope. Lien Chan's first ice-breaking trip opened new horizons for cross-Strait relations. We hope his second ice-breaking journey will increase the international influence of Chinese from both sides of the Strait. The clouds have parted. The moon is visible. Cross-strait relations are a little clearer, and people enjoy a little more peace of mind.

Full Text below:

Honorary KMT Chairman Lien Chan led a diverse delegation to the Chinese mainland and met with top leaders. The trip is now officially over. This major cross-Strait event took place on the eve of a forthcoming Mainland power transfer. Xi Jinping will soon take over as general secretary. Everyone has high expectations for reform. Reform of the bureaucratic ethos, as well as institutional reform of the State Council, are already on the agenda. The political agenda is full. The Mainland continues to seize the initiative by extending invitations to visit. This clearly illustrates the new generation of leaders' concern for cross-Strait relations. It also provides powerful support for peaceful development across the Taiwan Strait.

Recall the outcome of the first, pioneering Lien-Hu Summit seven years ago. We think the Lien-Xi Summit will be hailed as the "Second Ice-Breaking Journey."

Since President Ma took office, cross-strait relations have indeed made unprecedented progress. The two sides have engaged in high-level strategic dialogue. This is undoubtedly the foundation for their new mode of communication. For example, the 2005 Lien-Hu Summit offered five hopes for the future. These established a new cross-Strait political atmosphere for President Ma when he took office. It laid a foundation for the structural framework above. To be fair, the past few years have witnessed tremendous changes in the international and cross-strait environment. These have rendered the old cross-strait exchange mechanisms inadequate. The current Lien-Xi Summit affirms the personnel and their policies in the wake of the two sides' power transfers. How to improve cross-strait relations at the strategic level, is undoubtedly the most pressing issue.

We we hail the Lien-Xi Summit as a second icebreaking journey. Only five years have passed, but already we face another structural imbalance in cross-strait relations. A prudent strategic response must be found.

Think back to 2005, to the first Lien-Hu Summit. Storm clouds shrouded the Taiwan Strait. Politicians on Taiwan failed to reconcile themselves to an increasingly powerful Chinese mainland. As a result, Taiwan was gradually marginalized in the international arena. It was no longer first among the Four Asian Tigers. The first Lien-Hu Summit cut the cross-Strait Gordian Knot. It enabled Taiwan to take the first step toward the reestablishment of cross-strait and international relations.

Since 2008 the international political and economic landscape has undergone unprecedented upheavals. These have led to shakeups in the international power structure and ever more intense international power struggles. The emergence of the G2 has changed the unipolar power system. It has contributed to the United States' official launching of trade negotiations with the Asian-Pacific region, as well as with the EU. The plight of the PIIGS has threatened the EU with disintegration. In our own neighborhood, the Asian-Pacific and Indo-Pacific nations are on the rise. Mainland China has replaced Japan as the world's second-largest economy. It has surpassed the United States as the world's largest trading nation. Japan and South Korea have announced the launch of free trade agreement negotiations. On the other hand, disputes over sovereignty in the East China Sea and South China Sea are rapidly heating up. The result has been nationalist antagonisms. In Washington, Japanese Prime Minister Abe accused the Chinese mainland of territorial aggression. This amounted to a resurgence of Japanese militarism. Mainland Chinese and Japanese planes and ships in the Diaoyutai Island waters are on the brink of military engagment.

Fortunately, amidst this rapidly changing landscape, cross-Strait relations have evolved. The simple exchange requirements of the past have gradually expanded. They now include the financial industry, ECFA, investment protection, and the protection of intellectual property. A comprehensive economic partnership has taken shape. We are a key member of the East Asian international community. Yet our role in the face of advancing regional economic integration and sovereignty disputes remains limited. President Ma's "East China Sea Peace Initiative" may seem like common sense. But it has attracted little interest within the international community. The short film released by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs appears to be directed at the home audience. The same is true of its "rebalancing" policy. Taiwan finds itself in an awkward situation. Aside from announcing an unrealistic hope of joining the RIMPAC Economic Partnership Agreement in eight years, it has little to say.

As a major economy in the Asian-Pacific region, Taiwan must find a way to integrate itself into ASEAN and the Mainland China-led regional economic integration, as soon as possible. The Economic Cooperation Agreement negotiations with Singapore and New Zealand are proceeding smoothly. But progress remains slow, and have failed to keep pace with overall regional economic liberalization. As a party to major disputes in the East China Sea and the South China Sea, Taiwan must make itself heard during dispute settlement talks.

During the Lien-Xi Summit, the two sides reaffirmed the political basis for cross-Strait relations. They suggested that private sector think tanks begin discussing a peace agreement, and engaging in political dialogue over military confidence building measures. This is consistent with strategic goals. We think high-level political dialogue between the two sides should address international and regional tensions and cooperation. We must seek an entry point. Lien Chan spoke of a balanced, equal, and effective political framework, applicable to international trade.

We are pleased that the Lien-Xi Summit will build on the previously established foundation for cross-strait relations, as well as offer new hope. Lien Chan's first ice-breaking trip opened new horizons for cross-Strait relations. We hope his second ice-breaking journey will increase the international influence of Chinese from both sides of the Strait. The clouds have parted. The moon is visible. Cross-strait relations are a little clearer, and people enjoy a little more peace of mind.
   
中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2013.03.01
社論－二次破冰 有助因應國際經貿新局
本報訊

    　國民黨榮譽主席連戰所率領的各界人士代表團，在與中國大陸前後任最高領導人會面之後，已經正式結束訪問。此一兩岸之間的大事，在中國大陸即將召開事關權力傳承的兩會前夕進行，尤其是習近平接任總書記一職不久，各方對改革的期望甚殷，而有關官僚風氣的革新，以及國務院機構改革大部制的推展，都已經提上日程。在政治日程繁重之際，對岸仍主動邀訪，這清楚的說明了中共新一代領導人對當前兩岸關係的重視，也為台海和平發展的前景，提供了有力的條件。

    　回顧七年多前首次的「連胡會」所開創的成果，我們認為，此次的「連習會」可喻為二次破冰之旅。

    　自從馬總統上任以來，兩岸關係的確取得了前所未見的進展，而雙方的高層戰略對話，無疑是構建這種新的交流模式的主要基礎，譬如二○○五年連胡會所提出的五項願景，為馬總統上任以來所締造的兩岸新局，奠定了樑柱之基。但是，持平而論，過去幾年也見證了國際和兩岸環境的巨大變化，使得舊的兩岸交流模式，在適用上已出現不足。這次連習會的意義，除了近來雙方因權力傳承、需要在人事及政策上再確認外，如何自戰略的層次上改善兩岸關係，無疑是更迫切的思考。

    　我們之所以把連習會喻為二次破冰，乃是因為短短的近五年之間，兩岸關係再度面臨結構失衡的現象，必須從戰略的角度，審慎應對，找出解答。

    　猶記二○○五年連胡初會之際，兩岸風雲密布，台灣由於無法與逐漸強大的中國大陸和解，國際座標逐漸邊緣化，四小龍的光環盡失。首次連胡會的意義，不惟為兩岸之間的癥結，打造了開啟之鑰，更為兩岸關係和台灣的國際互動，提供了初步的連結。

    　然而，自二○○八年以來，國際政經版圖出現了空前的巨變，推動國際進一步整合的動力，以及對抗拉扯的張力也同步擴大。G2的出現，改變了單極國際體系的運作模式，也促成了美國正式啟動和亞太地區以及歐盟的自由貿易談判，而歐豬國家的困境，卻引發歐盟是否解體的問題。至於鄰近地區，亞太以及印太周邊國家的崛起勢頭日盛，中國大陸在取代日本成為全球第二大經濟體後，又超越美國成為全球最大貿易國，中日韓三國宣布啟動自由貿易協議的談判；但另一方面，東海和南海的主權爭議也快速升溫，造成民族主義的對抗情緒，日本安倍首相在美國首都華盛頓批評大陸侵佔領土，宣布日本再起，中日兩國的機艦在釣魚台海域瀕臨接戰。

    　所幸的是，在此一瞬息萬變的大潮流裡，兩岸關係已從過去單純對三通四流的要求，逐漸擴及金融業務的開展、ＥＣＦＡ、投保與智財權的保護等，至今全面的經濟伙伴關係已略具雛形。但是，不幸的是，做為東亞國際社會的主要成員國之一，不論是面對推進區域經濟整合的動力或是主權爭議的張力，台灣的角色依然平淡。馬總統所提的《東海和平倡議》，內容平實理性，但是在國際上卻乏人問津，外交部出版的短片，似乎也只能針對國人做出說明。同樣的，對美國新的「亞洲再平衡」政策，台灣的角色也顯得尷尬，除了宣布不切實際的八年加入環太經濟伙伴協議的目標外，似乎沒有太多的連結點。

    　作為亞太地區的重要經濟體，台灣必需儘速找到融入以東協和中國大陸主導的區域經濟整合的辦法；目前與新加坡和紐西蘭的經濟合作協議談判固然順利，但是緩不濟急，趕不上整體區域經濟自由化的進展。作為東海及南海爭端最主要的當事國，在相關的爭端解決機制中，台灣必須發聲。

    　連習會中，雙方再度確認兩岸關係的政治基礎，提出由民間智庫展開有關和平協議、軍事互信等議題的政治對話，也都符合雙方的戰略設計。我們以為，現階段兩岸之間的高層政治對話，應針對前述國際區域環境所發生的分與合的張力，找到切入的著力點，而連戰所提的平衡、對等、有效的政治框架，可以優先適用於國際經貿領域。

    　我們欣見連習會在兩岸關係既有的基礎之上，提出新的期許，連戰首次破冰之旅，曾為兩岸關係帶來了柳暗花明之效；對二次破冰，我們更期待兩岸華人能在國際舞台上尋找到更多可以發揮影響力的可能性；雲開見月，使得兩岸關係更清澈安心。