Improved Domestic Policy Must Follow Improved Diplomatic Relations

Improved Domestic Policy Must Follow Improved Diplomatic Relations
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China)
A Translation
August 23, 2013

Summary: President Ma's "He Yi Project" state visits may not have won him much public support. But Ma seems pleased with the results. These diplomatic missions may have helped President Ma regain some of his former confidence. But they are unlikely to diminish public dissatisfaction over his mishandling of domestic affairs. The President should take heart and redouble his efforts on the domestic front. He should now ensure that the public feels the same improvement in domestic affairs.

Full text below:

President Ma's "He Yi Project" state visits may not have won him much public support. But Ma seems pleased with the results. For example, he said Taipei-Washington consultations on economic and security matters are "even better than before the severing of diplomatic relations." These diplomatic missions may have helped President Ma regain some of his former confidence. But they are unlikely to diminish public dissatisfaction over his mishandling of domestic affairs. Diplomatic relations have been normalized and improved. The President should take heart and redouble his efforts on the domestic front. He should now ensure that the public feels the same improvement in domestic affairs.

Before his visit, President Ma's approval ratings hit rock bottom. He was unable to implement policy. He was heckled wherever he went. The Hung Chung-chiu case led to the resignation of two defense ministers in one week. It is no exaggeration to say that for President Ma each day went by like a year. It was under these conditions that he chose to lead a delegation on overseas visits. He chose to try his hand at diplomacy instead of domestic policy. From a political perspective, it was indeed necessary.

President Ma noted several achievements of his visits. It was the first time an ROC president visited Haiti. Ma attended the inauguration of Paraguay's new president Horacio Cartes. He visited the three Caribbean "Saint" nations: St. Lucia, St. Vincent, and St. Kitts and Nevis. Now that Ma has completed these visits, all that remains is to visit our African allies Sao Tome and Principe. This will round out his tour of all 23 allied nations.

Consider what he accomplished during his visits. While transiting New York he visited the CCBA, the New York University School of Law, and the 9/11 Memorial. Previous transits through the United States were deliberately low-keyed. In that respect, this was indeed something of a breakthrough. Breakfast with New York Mayor Michael Bloomberg also carried symbolic meaning. Ma visited Haiti, Paraguay, St. Lucia, St. Vincent, Saint Kitts and five other countries. Overseas Chinese gave him a warm welcome. Heads of State offered him every hospitality. Compared to being heckled everywhere back home, he must have felt extremely grateful.

But a head of state's accomplishments cannot be based entirely on diplomacy. If he or she is strong on diplomacy and weak on domestic policy, that means an imbalance. In fact, if one looks closely, Washington did not allow President Ma to do whatever he wanted on the streets of America. He was not allowed to attend public meetings with American officials, or to call upon them. He was not allowed to hold interviews with accompanying reporters. He did not make citizens of the ROC particularly proud or happy. Enthusiastic interaction with friendly nations, the issuance of joint communiques, and the signing of treaties departed little from diplomatic protocol. These allies are located far from the ROC. Their reception may have been enthusiastic. Their treatment may have been respectful. But to the public they remain rainbows in the sky.

Firming up bilateral friendships is the least a head of state can do for his country. The reception President Ma received during his visits was an improvement. But what did it do for the country, really? Such visits cannot be for the benefit of the president alone, so he can bask in glory. They must yield concrete results. In this sense, the public experienced little benefit. President Ma became concerned about the approaching typhoon and returned to Taiwan early. That too was necessary. He had no choice but to personally defuse those bombs that might blow up in his face.

For starters, regarding matters of state, President Ma has often criticized the opposition DPP for a lack of good faith, for sidelining the constitutional framework, and for undermining the legitimacy the National Affairs Conference. This suggests that Ma has the desire to convene a National Affairs Conference. But domestic issues have clearly degenerated to where every issue leads to deadlock. President Ma is impotent in the face of vicious ruling vs. opposition party power struggles. He does not even bother to seek public support. His response to the prospect of a National Affairs Conference remains lukewarm. How should the people feel when they witness this?

Now take Control Yuan President Wang Chien-hsuan's civil war with 19 Control Yuan Members. This involves the Five Powers Constitution and the right to retain or abolish the Control Yuan. The opposition DPP already advocates abolishing the Control Yuan. Such political storms cannot be dismissed as "tempests in a teapot." The president has argued that "The Control Yuan must exercise its powers independently." He has said he cannot interfere in its internal workings. But the Control Yuan president and the Control Yuan members are presidential nominees and appointees. Wang Chien-hsuan has already said half the Control Yuan members are beneficiaries of political rewards. Yet President Ma's only response was a phone call from abroad. His reaction left an impression of excessive timidity.

The Tai Po protests have also gotten out of control. The crowd actually made its way into the Ministry of the Interior and rioted all night. The hidden problems cannot be evaded. They include Wen Lin-yuan, opposition to the Number Four Nuclear Power Plant, and the Hung Chung-chiu case. Recent social protests have led to both quantitative and qualitative changes. They have led to public allegations that "The people do not trust the government!" and even to bold calls to "Dismantle the government!" Faced with the situation, does President Ma have the wisdom and courage to resolve intensifying social protest?

President Ma sought relief in diplomacy. But the only one who experienced relief was him. As head of state, Ma must be able to bring relief to the people. He must have the ability to dissolve people's suppressed anger. President Ma must act now. He must proceed full speed.

外交取暖後，內政更應帶給人民溫暖
【聯合報╱社論】
2013.08.23 02:52 am

馬總統「賀誼專案」出訪，不論輿論評價如何，他似自覺成果良好；例如提及台美間的經濟與安全協商，即稱「比斷交前還好」。透過外交出訪，馬總統似乎找回了自信；但要說這能化解國人對內政顛躓的忿懣，則恐怕未必。如今外交取暖既歸，總統更應敞開心胸奮發作為，讓人民也能在內政上感受到溫暖。

出訪前，馬總統民調低迷、政策推不動、走到哪都被嗆，更因洪仲丘案短短一周折損兩名國防部長；要形容馬總統當時「度日如年」，恐不為過。在這種情況下，他決定依計畫率團出訪，「換手氣兼拚外交」，從政治角度看確有必要。

這次出訪，馬總統自得之重點包括：首度成為到訪海地的中華民國總統、慶賀巴拉圭新任總統卡提斯就職，以及造訪加勒比海「三聖」國。走完此程，便僅剩非洲友邦聖多美普林西比一國，即可完成廿三邦交國「走透透」的拼圖。

檢視此次出訪成績，紐約過境之旅「漫步」在中華公所、紐約大學法學院、九一一紀念館等處，對照前幾次過境美國的刻意低調，確有突破；與紐約市長彭博之早餐會，也有其象徵意義。至於造訪海地、巴拉圭及聖露西亞、聖文森、聖克里斯多福等五國，受到僑胞、民眾的熱情歡迎，與各國元首的真誠接待，比起他在國內出巡「逢馬必嗆」的遭遇，想必使他感念在心頭。

然而，一名國家元首的政績，若完全偏倚外交表現，或是「強外交」而「弱內政」，必然失衡。事實上，深入檢視的話，美方未允許馬總統在美國街頭暢所欲言、未允其公開與美國官員之會面或通話、未同意隨團記者同步採訪等，恐未必能讓國人感到驕傲或滿意。至於與友邦元首熱情互動，乃至簽署條約或聯合公報等，均不脫例常外交儀節。這些邦交國距台灣何其遙遠，接待再熱情、規格再高，對人民而言終究是「天邊的彩虹」。

質言之，鞏固邦誼是元首出訪的基本門檻，馬總統此次受到的接待層級固有提升，但能為國家加多少分，絕不能僅以總統個人感受溫暖為已足，而要有更具體的成果展現。這點，國人則無法清楚感受。也因此，馬總統在出訪尾聲以關心颱風逼近而提前返台，實有必要；因為，真正讓他牽腸掛肚的幾個「絆馬索」，不由他親自解套不行。

首先，是國是會議問題。馬總統數度批在野黨沒誠意，還搬出憲政體制、質疑國是會議正當性等，多少已透露出他無意召開國是會議。然而，國內問題分明已到凡事窒礙、百廢待舉的地步，馬總統面對朝野惡鬥一籌莫展，卻又不思設法向民間尋求支援，一味如此冷淡回應國是會議，看在人民眼裡，又是什麼滋味？

其次，是監察院長王建?與十九監委的「大內鬥」。此事已涉及五權憲法之監察權存廢續絕的憲政問題，在野黨都已著手提案廢監院，這種風暴，豈能以「茶壺風波」等閒視之？總統雖以「監院獨立行使職權」為名，稱不宜干涉監院內部事務；然而，監院和監委均是總統提名、任命，王建?都已經嗆聲監委大半是「政治酬庸」，馬總統在海外僅以電話表達關心，未免給人畏怯之感。

再則，大埔抗爭事件竟延燒到群眾「攻入」內政部圍牆，鬧騰了一日夜，背後隱藏的問題更不容逃避。從文林苑、反核四、洪仲丘案到大埔事件，近期社會運動產生的量變與質變，均直指「人民不信任政府」，甚至膽大妄言到「拆政府」。面對此一情勢，馬總統究竟有無智慧及魄力來化解日趨激烈的社會抗議？

馬總統的外交取暖，取的只是他個人的溫暖；但作為國家元首，他必須有能力將權力的溫暖化為施政作為，散布給人民。在民眾的積鬱逐漸化為憤怒之際，馬總統恐怕得快馬加鞭拿出行動才行。