Su Tseng-chang's Phony Defense of Diaoyutai

Su Tseng-chang's Phony Defense of Diaoyutai
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, Republic of China)
A Translation
November 26, 2013

Summary: Su Tseng-chang has long been weak on the Diaoyutai sovereignty issue. He has never shown any inclination to defend the Diaoyutai Islands. Yet he is demanding that Ma Ying-jeou get tough. He himself remains weak, yet he demands that others show strength. But suppose getting tough leads Taiwan into a trap? How secure will Su Tseng-chang feel then?

Full Text below:

The Mainland China Ministry of Defense has included the Diaoyutai Islands in its East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone. The US and Japanese response was vehement. U.S. Defense Secretary Charles Hagel reiterated that the US-Japan Mutual Defense Treaty applied to Diaoyutai. Secretary of State John Kerry accused Mainland China of unilaterally changing the status quo. Japan continued escalating its protests. Mainland China responded strongly to US and Japanese declarations. East China Sea tensions rapidly heated up. Taipei finds itself caught between Beijing and Tokyo. Its position was sensitive to begin with. Now it finds itself caught in a conflict between Beijing, Washington, and Tokyo. It must respond with caution. Yet DPP Chairman Su Tseng-chang has increased tensions by making wild declarations. He really does not seem to understand his position.

First Su Tseng-chang accused Beijing of "regional hegemony." He demanded that President Ma Ying-jeou get tough, "Otherwise he would not only be looked upon with contempt, but the enemy would soon be at our gates." Other DPP legislators said that if the Ma administration failed to issue a solemn warning [to Beijing], "In the future [Mainland] China might announce that Taiwan was part of its national territory." These unfounded allegations were outrageous.

Beijing included the Diaoyutai Islands in its East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone as a defensive move. Its purpose was to counter Japan's Diaoyutai Islands "nationalization" strategy. It was Mainland China's way of asserting sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands. Taipei insists that Diaoyutai Islands sovereignty belongs to the Republic of China. But it is willing to shelve disputes with Japan, and engage in joint development. Beijing-Tokyo conflict erupted over Diaoyutai Islands sovereignty. For the sake of stable cross-strait relations and its traditional friendship with Washington and Tokyo, Taipei proposed an East China Sea Peace Initiative and called on all parties to remain calm and exercise restraint.

The DPP has been mealy-mouthed regarding Diaoyutai Islands sovereignty. Many in the DPP support Lee Teng-hui's claim that "The  Diaoyutai Islands belong to Japan." But some believe Diaoyutai Islands sovereignty belongs to DPP governed Yilan County. Su Tseng-chang has publicly supported "The Diaoyutai Islands belong to Japan" position. Last year Japan unilaterally "nationalized" the Diaoyutai Islands. This led to Sino-Japanese tensions, and embarrassing and self-contradictory cross-Strait relations. The ROC government solemnly declared that it does not recognize Japan's unilateral actions, and reaffirmed its sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands. Su Tseng-chang was visiting Japan at the time, as a "Friend of Japan." He publicly declared that Diaoyutai Islands Defense Movement actions on both sides of the Strait were "destabilizing the region." He called on the United States, Japan, and Korea to form a "democratic alliance" to contain Mainland China. One has to wonder whether Su Tseng-chang is a citizen of Japan or the Republic of China?

Prior to Japanese occupation, the Diaoyutai Islands were part of China's territory. This is not in dispute. After World War II, it should have been returned to the Republic of China, along with Penghu and the rest of Taiwan. The US allowed Japan to administer the islands. But sovereignty still belonged to the Republic of China. Following cross-Strait reconciliation, the Republic of China reaffirmed its sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands in the national interest. This would have been the most effective assertion of sovereignty, and the one most consistent with the dignity and interests of the Chinese nation. Unfortunately, elements on Taiwan undermined the consensus regarding sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands. Taipei's long friendly relations with Washington and Tokyo limited its ability to fight for its sovereignty. This forced Mainland China to take the lead in defending sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands.

Mainland China established an East China Sea Air Defense Identification Zone. This led to tensions in East Asia. But the Mainland did not invade Taiwan's Air Defense Identification Zone. The MAC issued a statement on behalf of the government. It said "The Diaoyutai Islands are Republic of China territory. " It called on Beijing to shelve disputes, and not increase regional tensions." This strong advice took into account the stability of cross-Strait relations and Taipei's traditional friendship wtih Washington and Tokyo. Yet the Democratic Progressive Party issued a statement on Taipei-Tokyo and Taipei-Washington relations. It screamed about "The enemy at our gates." The Mainland's demarcation of airspace was aimed at Japan. How does that make it "The enemy at our gates?" Both the ROC and PRC constitutions include territory under the other's jurisdiction. Naturally Mainland China has the constitutional authority to fight Japan for sovereignty over the Diaoyutai Islands on behalf of Taiwan. 

The strategic situation in East Asia is complex. If Taipei takes Beijing's side, that may be beneficial to cross-strait relations. But it would offend the US-Japan security alliance. Also, cross-Strait relations are now in the "deep end of the pool." Beijing on one side, and Washington and Tokyo on the other side, have yet to pressure Taipei to take sides. Taipei is still able to maintain strategic ambiguity. But Mainland China is on the rise. It is determined to achieve East Asian regional hegemony in the 21st century. The United States has decided to return to Asia, in order to maintain U.S. strategic dominance. China and Japan are a case of "one mountain with no room for two tigers." The complex strategic situation means the sovereignty dispute will be difficult to resolve. The situation has become increasingly intense. Taiwan may one day be compelled to choose sides.

The Chinese people on both sides of the Strait belong to one family. Historical developments have made Taiwan dependent on the US-Japan strategic relationsship. The status quo must change with the times. Strategic conflict may compress the timline. Blue vs. Green confrontation remains intense. That is Taiwan's tragedy. East Asian strategic warming is advantageous to Taiwan. But the situation appears to be moving in the opposite direction. Taiwan must exercise strategic caution.

Su Tseng-chang has long been weak on the Diaoyutai sovereignty issue. He has never shown any inclination to defend the Diaoyutai Islands. Yet he is demanding that Ma Ying-jeou get tough. He himself remains weak, yet he demands that others show strength. But suppose getting tough leads Taiwan into a trap? How secure will Su Tseng-chang feel then?

社論－蘇貞昌假保釣 自己軟 逼人硬
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中國時報 本報訊 2013年11月26日 04:09

大陸國防部將釣魚台列嶼劃入東海防空識別區，引起美日強烈反應，美國防部長海格爾重申《美日共同防衛條約》適用釣魚台，國務卿凱瑞抨擊中國大陸片面改變現狀，日本則不斷拉高抗議層級，大陸卻對美日的反應又做出強烈回應，東海緊張情勢快速增溫。台灣夾在中國大陸與日本間，地位本來就非常敏感，又陷入中美日衝突的暴風核心圈，理應小心應對，民進黨主席蘇貞昌卻放言高論加碼緊張情勢，真是搞不清自己的立場。

蘇貞昌先批中國大陸搞「區域霸權」，又要馬英九總統硬起來，「否則不但會被看不起，更會被人家直接侵門踏戶。」還有民進黨立委說，馬政府如果不提嚴正警告，「未來中國可能公布納入台灣範圍的國土區域」，這種毫無依據的推論真是太離譜了。

中國大陸將釣魚台列嶼劃入東海防空識別區，是一種防禦性的戰略作為，目的在對應日本釣魚台國有化政策，表達中國大陸堅持釣魚台主權的立場。台灣則堅持釣魚台主權屬於中華民國，但願意與日本擱置爭議，共同開發。在中日釣魚台主權衝突激化後，台灣基於兩岸關係的穩定及傳統與美日友好立場，提出東海和平倡議並呼籲各方冷靜自制。

民進黨對釣魚台主權問題立場曖昧，許多人支持李登輝「釣魚台屬於日本」的立場，但也有部分民進黨人士認為釣魚台主權屬於宜蘭縣，蘇貞昌曾經公開支持李登輝「釣魚台屬於日本」的論調。去年日本片面將釣魚台國有化，造成中日關係緊張，及兩岸關係的尷尬與矛盾，中華民國政府嚴正聲明「不承認」日本片面行為，並表達堅持釣魚台主權的立場。蘇貞昌當時卻以「日本之友」姿態訪日，公開演講宣稱兩岸保釣行動「破壞區域穩定」，要求與美日韓合組「民主同盟」圍堵中國大陸。真的不知道蘇貞昌是日本人還是中華民國國民？

釣魚台列嶼在日本據台前屬於中國領土殆無疑義，二戰後本應連同台灣澎湖歸還中華民國，日本在美國支持下占有行政管轄權，但主權仍屬於中華民國。兩岸和解之後，由中華民國站在民族大義立場向日本爭取釣魚台主權，本最為有力，也最符合中華民族的尊嚴與利益。可惜台灣內部並未建立堅持釣魚台主權立場的共識，台灣與美日兩國長期友好的關係又限制了台灣爭取主權立場的行動空間，迫使大陸必須作保護釣魚台主權的前鋒。

中國大陸設置東海防空識別區，造成東亞情勢緊張，但大陸並未侵入台灣主張的防空識別區範圍，陸委會代表政府聲明「釣魚台是為中華民國的領土，呼籲大陸應該擱置爭議，不應升高區域緊張」，奉勸的味道較濃，兼顧了兩岸關係的穩定與台日、台美間的傳統友誼。民進黨卻在兩岸與台日、台美關係中表態，高喊「侵門踏戶」。大陸的領空劃界針對日本，怎會對台灣「侵門踏戶」？兩岸憲法本來就各自涵蓋對方治下的領土，大陸當然擁有憲法權力代表台灣對日本爭取釣魚台主權。

面對複雜的東亞戰略情勢，台灣如果選邊中國大陸，可能有利於兩岸關係的深化，但會得罪美日安保同盟；反之，已進入「深水區」的兩岸關係會非常困難。目前中國大陸與美、日兩國均未逼迫台灣表態，台灣仍能保持戰略模糊。但中國崛起並決心擔任21世紀東亞的區域霸權，美國卻決定重返亞洲，維持美國戰略主導地位，中日又「一山難容二虎」，複雜的戰略情勢注定釣魚台主權爭議已難善了，隨著局勢的激化，台灣未來可能會被逼迫表態。

兩岸中國人同屬一家，歷史淵源卻造成台灣對美日戰略依賴的關係現狀，現狀最好由時間改變，戰略衝突卻可能擠壓時間縱深，藍綠如此對峙，那將是台灣的悲哀。東亞戰略緩和有利於台灣，情勢卻似乎反向發展，台灣在戰略上必須非常謹慎。

蘇貞昌在釣魚台主權問題上一向軟弱，從未展現保釣的決心，現在卻要求馬英九強硬，自己軟弱卻要求別人強硬，但政府錯誤的強硬卻將陷台灣於不義，蘇貞昌究竟安什麼心？