Thursday, May 7, 2009

The Key to Cross-Strait Educational Exchanges is in the Details

The Key to Cross-Strait Educational Exchanges is in the Details
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
May 7, 2009

The DPP staged yet another farcical "blockade" of the Legislative Yuan this week. But why DPP legislators locked themselves inside the Legislature has everyone scratching their heads. At first DPP legislators said they were protesting the KMT's amending of the Parade and Assembly Law. They threatened to "fight to the death to prevent passage of the bill." But then on Monday they said they were protesting the official recognition of Mainland academic credentials. According to reports, DPP legislators took advantage of a rest period to barricade themselves inside the Legislature. As a result nothing got done the entire day. The opposition DPP currently has very few legislators. Faced with a crushing ruling KMT majority, the DPP's occasional resort to such obstructionist tactics is understandable. But habitual resort to such tactics every time the issue involves the Mainland, amounts to an admission that the DPP is incapable of approaching problems on their own merits, and is incapable of learning from experience. We have two things to offer regarding education and cross-strait affairs: One. We offer the ruling KMT a reminder. Two. We offer the opposition DPP a warning.

Cross-strait academic exchanges involve two issues. One is whether to recognize mainland academic credentials, and under what conditions. The second is whether to allow Mainland students to come to Taiwan, and under what conditions. These two problems are fundamentally different. One must not conflate the two by lumping them under "cross-Strait educational issues." Doing so will lead only to confusion.

First, let us clarify what we mean when we say "recognition of Mainland academic credentials." When we talk about Mainland academic credentials, we mean students from Taiwan or children of Taiwan businessmen on the Mainland acquiring Mainland academic credits. Mainland China locals pursuing academic credentials number in the hundreds of millions. They are not what we mean when we talk about recognizing Mainland academic credentials. Secondly, the reason they wish to obtain academic accreditation is they wish to apply for licenses, take civil service examinations, and pursue advanced studies. As long as those taking licensing exams have Republic of China citizenship, they have a constitutional right to take Republic of China civil service exams. The fact that our academic accreditation is restricted to our own citizens may well be unconstitutional. Imposing restrictions on particular geographical regions on the basis of ideology is even more dubious.

Is the reason for such restrictions limited opportunities or administrative costs? Is that why we must limit the rights of our own citizens? If it is, then the only reasonable criterion ought to be the quality of the schools or the credibility of the academic credentials. One must not discriminate on the basis of geographical location. Frankly speaking, Mainland Chinese universities such as Beijing University, National Tsing Hua University, Nanking University, Zhejiang University are hardly inferior to universities on Taiwan. If children of Taiwan businessmen graduate from Beijing University, yet are forbidden to return to Taiwan to take Republic of China civil service exams, that is evidence of a closed mind and a refusal to recognize talent. If we deny children of Taiwan businessmen who graduate from Beijing University academic accreditation merely to protect the so-called "rights" of local Taiwan graduates, that is discrimination against one's fellow citizens.

In short, Republic of China citizens' academic credentials must be recognized by the other side. Republic of China citizens must also be allowed to take Republic of China civil service exams on the basis of their Mainland academic credentials. We can of course impose limits on the number of families during the initial phase. This will enable us to verify the quality of their academic credentials. We can wait until the situation has improved before relaxing these restrictions. But no matter what, the academic credentials of elite universities on the other side must be recognized. If we can't do even this, then Taiwan's image will be as tarnished as the Democratic Progressive Party's as it barricades itself against progress behind closed doors.

On the other hand, we do have a number of concerns about allowing Mainland students to study on Taiwan. President Ma advocates allowing Mainland students to study on Taiwan, primarily on the grounds that "harmonious interaction is beneficial to mutual understanding." On this point, we could not agree more. But Mainland students studying on Taiwan will inevitably consume Taiwan's educational resources. Any crowding out effect is likely to trigger a backlash. Students on Taiwan fight tooth and nail to get into famous institutions such as National Taiwan University and National Chengchi University. When they are admitted their families set off firecrackers to celebrate. Who is willing to open them up to students from the other side? Even if the government announces that any Mainland students would be an "additional" quota, quotas are still quotas. Numbers games hardly ameliorate public doubts. Everyone is fighting to get into a good school. Mainland students are not interested in getting into bad schools. The government talks about opening up our schools to Mainland students. But it has not offered us comprehensive plans. We really have no idea what sort of chaos will ensue.

Perhaps the government is looking to the United States and Europe. They absorb a high percentage of foreign students. But the Republic of China truly is different from Europe and the United States. When it comes to expectations regarding their childrens' education, the Republic of China is an extremely conservative nation. The premise "Above all, Education" is deeply rooted within society. The Republic of China is a far cry from nations in Europe and the United States, which admit students from far and wide. The public might be willing to accept small-scale. short-term student exchanges. But do not expect it to accept large numbers of Mainland students arriving on Taiwan.

In any event, cross-Strait educational exchanges must be phased in gradually. They must be properly planned. The KMT must not ram its policy through in order to fulfill the President's campaign promises. The DPP should not oppose every policy that involves the Mainland. It must not inexplicably resist debate. The ruling and opposition parties cannot make progress on opposite sides of a locked door, and neither can Taiwan.

中時電子報
中國時報  2009.05.07
社論-兩岸教育交流 關鍵在配套
本報訊

本周一的立法院又上演了一場民進黨封鎖議場的戲碼。至於為什麼要封鎖,大家也弄不太清楚。先前,民進黨說是為了抗議國民黨要強行通過集遊法修正案,揚言「死也要把法案擋下來」。但是周一抗爭的場景卻是兩岸教育與學歷認證。據報導,民進黨立委趁中場休息時間把自己反鎖在議場內,弄得一整天一事無成。在野黨立委現在人數少,遇上鴨霸的多數場面偶爾施些癱瘓議事的手段本也無可厚非。但若同樣的招式一再施演,逢「中」必反,卻完全不能就事論事地解決問題,那就是不長進。我們在此要對與兩岸有關的教育事務做些評論,一則提醒執政黨,二則也告誡在野黨。

有關兩岸學術交流的議題其實有兩塊,其一是「是否承認大陸學歷,有何限制」,其二是「是否開放陸生來台,有何配套」。這兩個問題本質上截然不同,絕不能一體放在兩岸教育開放的大帽子下混同討論,否則即會失焦。

首先,讓我們澄清「承認大陸學歷」問題的本質。當我們談論大陸學歷時,其意義當然是針對台灣學生或台商子女在對岸就學取得當地學歷;中國大陸本地人在內地就讀者動輒上億,完全不是台灣學歷認證的目標對象。其次,要為台灣人民辦學歷認證,其目的就是要容許當事人考照、國考、升學。只要這些考照、考試的人具中華民國國籍,應考試服公職原本就是他們憲法的權利。即便是以台灣的學歷限制本國國民應考就職,已然有違憲之虞,更何況是以意識形態的理由,對特定地區的學歷做限制。

如果基於機會有限、行政成本的考量,而一定要對本國國民應考或就職的權利做規範,那就只能依據學校的品質或文件的可信度做篩選標準,而不能以地區別一概而論。坦白說,中國大陸如北大、清大、南大、浙大等重點大學的水準並不在台灣之下。如果台商子女能在北大畢業,卻不能返台應考試服公職,那就是台灣以封閉的心態在排拒人才。而如果拒絕台商子女北大畢業生來台應考只是為了要保護台灣本地畢業生的所謂「權益」,那就是對本國國民的歧視。

總之,我們同意要對中華民國國民取得對岸學歷予以認證,也贊成要容許他們依此學歷而應考、就職。基於對岸學歷驗證困難與品質不一的考量,在初期當然可以對開放家數有所限制,如此亦可便於有效查證,等到以後視改善情況而酌予放寬,但無論如何,對岸重點大學等頂級名校的學歷是一定要承認的;如果連這一點都做不到,台灣的形象就像是自鎖於議場的民進黨,簡直是封閉而不知長進。

但另一方面,我們對於開放陸生來台,卻有頗多的顧慮。馬總統主張開放陸生來台就學,主要是基於「交流互動有利和諧了解」的觀念,這一點我們完全贊成。但陸生來台無論如何會耗用台灣的教育資源,當然有排擠效果與衍生反彈。像台大政大這樣的知名學府,台灣人自己入學都擠破頭,考上了家裡都還會燃放鞭炮慶祝,怎麼可能願意開放給對岸學生就讀?就算政府聲稱陸生名額是「外加」,但是名額就是名額,加減方式的小把戲完全無助於釋群疑。好學校大家搶著唸,爛學校陸生沒興趣。奢談開放,當局卻全無配套規畫,真不知後續戲碼會亂成什麼樣子。

主政者也許拿美國、歐洲為例,認為他們國家都會吸收高比例的外籍生。但是我們不得不說:台灣與歐美的國情真的大不相同。就家庭中對子女升學的期待而言,台灣其實是非常保守的國家,「萬般皆下品,唯有讀書高」的升學期待根深柢固。在這樣普遍的民間心理下,台灣其實離歐美諸國廣納四方學子的社會情境相距甚遠。如果要以極小的規模先做短暫的學生交流,也許民間還可以接受,但千萬不要現在就大張旗鼓地宣稱要開放陸生來台。

無論如何,兩岸教育交流要循序漸進、也要妥善規畫。國民黨千萬不要因為它是總統政見,就要強渡關山。民進黨也不要逢「中」必反,莫名其妙地一再抵制討論。隔著上鎖的一道門,朝野雙方沒有進展,台灣也沒有進展。

No comments: