The Jasmine Revolution and the ROC's Quiet Revolution

The Jasmine Revolution and the ROC's Quiet Revolution
China Times editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
March 3, 2011

The "Jasmine Revolution" has spread like a prairie fire. The once monolithic Arab world suddenly seems as fragile as a rotten log. Dictators have fallen in Tunisia and Egypt. Libyan strongman Muammar Gaddafi clings to power. But brutal repression has led to mass insurrection, and his regime faces imminent collapse.

It has long been assumed that Islamic societies are closed societies. They are culturally conservative, under the influence of religion and clans. This makes it difficult to promote concepts such as democracy and human rights. With the exception of Turkey and a few other countries, most are monarchies or long-standing authoritarian regimes lorded over by strongmen. In one hand these strongmen hold a gun. In the other, a barrel of oil. Often they rule for twenty or thirty years. Given their long reigns, they ought be difficult to overthrow. Theoretically, their tight control structures have bound their societies hand and foot. They never allow people sufficient power to overthrow them. They have no powerful opposition groups or military forces. Their people seemed destined to remain under their rulers' jackboots, unable to resist.

But last December, a humble grocer immolated himself, igniting resentment smoldering for years. Fueled by the Internet, people took to the streets of Tunisia, Less than a month later, President Ben Ali Niansan, who had ruled for 23 years, fled in a panic. The "Jasmine Revolution" had succeeded. A jasmine flower had blossomed in the barren desert. An ember ignited a wildfire that spread far and wide. People in Yemen, Bahrain, Algeria, Jordan, Egypt and other countries held demonstrations and demanded that their self-appointed rulers step down.

In 18 short days, Hosni Mubarak's regime, which had ruled for 30 years, collapsed. Strongman Muammar Gaddafi, who ruled over Libya for 42 years, lashed out. This "Mad Dog" ordered troops to massacre his own people, Many government officials, including diplomats and military officers, angrily defected. Gaddafi's days are numbered. He doesn't know it, or is unwilling to accept it. Rulers who have been in power for many years often find it impossible to understand the words "Step down!" Before their fall, Zine El Abidine Ben Ali and Muhammad Hosni Sayyid Mubarak each ruled for 20 to 30 years. They probably never expected their iron regimes to dissolve before their eyes. They probably never expected to become exiles. Naturally they never formulated any exit strategies. That is why their fall from power has been so undignified.

In fact, decades of iron-fisted rule, was like a pressure cooker. People living in shackles demanded freedom and dignity. The longer they were shackled, the more intense their longing, The eventual result was an explosion. Authoritarian dynasties collapsed instantly. Societies descended into turmoil and chaos. Nations became fell victim to bitter struggles between political or military heads, or tribal separatists. Nations lacked stable mechanisms for the exercise of political power. These power vacuums led to social unrest. The economic development of these nations were also affected.

By contrast, consider how the Republic of China government democratized Taiwan. How it did so provides us with a rare and valuable object lesson. Before promoting democratization, the ROC first promoted economic growth, universal education, and intellectual stimulation by foreign sources. It laid down fertile soil in which the people could pursue freedom, democracy, and human rights. It enabled society to undergo a general awakening of consciousness, and prepare for the oncoming waves of political liberalization.

The late President Chiang Ching-kuo declared that the next president would be elected in accordance with the Constitution. The Chiang family could not and would not run for president. He decided to lift martial law, and abolish censorship. The Chiang family had been in power for over half a century. Those in the ruling circles took this phenomenon for granted. He however, clearly saw the changing times. He respected the changes in society. He cared about the nation's future. Life ebbed from his body. He was like a candle guttering in the wind. He knew his days were numbered. He actively chose to end Chiang family rule, rescind martial law, and restore constitutional rule. This was no easy matter. It required great wisdom. It required a willingness to asssume responsibility for the nation's future. It was under such circumstances that Chiang arrived at these courageous historic decisions.

No one with the same political stature at the time could have make such decisions. First, he ascertained his direction. Then he laid the groundwork. Lee Teng-hui, his successor, failed to realize all of Chiang's reforms. The road to democracy encountered many twists and turns. Chiang fought to his very last breath. He made his last and most important contribution to the Republic of China.

Democracy and reform resulted in protests, tug of wars, struggles, and conflicts. Progress was plagued by setbacks. But compared to other countries, our path toward democracy was stable and smooth. No bloodshed or gunshots. We gradually implemented presidential elections, legislative by-elections, and ruling party changes. We established a democracy under which the people could regularly choose their leaders. Much remains to be done. The system remains immature. It must be improved. But the Republic of China's "quiet revolution" remains something we can be proud of.

No one is willing to be enslaved. Democracy, freedom and human rights are universal human aspirations. They are not exclusive to the West. Progress remains uneven in different countries. But as societies mature, democratization is inevitable. During this process, leaders must avoid turmoil and ensure stable transformation. Since the lifting of martial law, the Republic of China has established an historic record of democratic achievements. These achievements may have been too quiet. They may have been so quiet, many of us take them for granted, We see only our system's shortcomings. But as we contrast our country with others, perhaps we should give ourselves a little more credit.

中時電子報 新聞
中國時報 　2011.03.03
社論－由茉莉花看台灣的「寧靜革命」
本報訊

　「茉莉花革命」勢如燎原，原本鐵板一塊的阿拉伯世界，突然像朽木般不堪一擊，突尼西亞和埃及獨裁者先後垮台，利比亞強人格達費雖仍負嵎頑抗，但殘酷鎮壓已經導致眾叛親離，政權面臨崩潰。

　過去總認為，伊斯蘭國家社會封閉，文化保守，宗教與宗族影響力強大，民主人權觀念難以推廣。除土耳其等少數國家，其他大部分不是王國、就是強人長期獨裁。掌權者一手握槍桿，一手握油管，動輒在位廿、卅年。如此長期統治，理論上應該很難撼動，因為控制結構把整個社會綁得牢牢的，不會讓人民有機會取得足夠的力量推翻它。沒有有力的反對組織和軍事力量，人民似乎註定被獨裁者壓得翻不了身。

　但是，去年十二月一位被取締的菜販自焚，點燃了鬱積多年的民怨，在網路推波助瀾下，人民站上了突尼西亞的街頭，不到一個月，就讓在位廿三年的總統班阿里倉皇出走，成功寫下「茉莉花革命」。這朵衝破荒蕪沙漠的茉莉花，像火種般瞬間引發遍地烽火。葉門、巴林、阿爾及利亞、約旦、埃及等國的人民，紛紛示威要獨裁者下台。

　才短短十八天，在埃及執政達卅年的穆巴拉克就垮台了。如今利比亞人民向掌權四十二年的強人格達費發出怒吼，而這頭「瘋狗」竟動用軍隊屠殺人民，令許多政府官員、外交官與軍官憤而叛離。至此，格達費可謂氣數已盡，只是還無法理解或不願接受。長期掌權的人，往往字典裡沒有「下台」這兩個字。班阿里和穆巴拉克在垮台前的那廿、卅年裡，大概從沒料到鐵打的江山會如流水四散，自己會成了落水狗，當然也沒有預設退場方案，以致下台的身影如此狼狽。

　數十年的鐵腕統治，其實像個壓力鍋，桎梏住人民對自由與尊嚴的需求，時間愈久就蒸騰愈烈，最後一夕核爆，獨裁王朝瞬間崩盤，社會也陷入動盪混亂，很容易出現政治山頭激烈角力或軍頭、部族割據。由於缺乏讓人民行使政治權力的穩健機制，權力真空不但帶來社會不安，經濟與國家發展也都會受到衝擊。

　相較之下，回顧台灣民主化的過程，益發顯得難能可貴。在推動民主改革之前，台灣先在經濟成長、教育普及、接受外來思潮刺激下，逐漸累積了厚實的土壤，從而讓人民追求自由民主人權的意識普遍覺醒，匯聚成要求政治開放的澎湃巨浪。

　當故總統蔣經國宣示下屆總統依憲法產生、蔣家人不能也不會競選總統，決定解除戒嚴、開放黨禁報禁時，蔣家執政已經持續了超過半世紀。在統治圈內把這種現象視為理所當然時，他卻能夠看清楚時代潮流，尊重社會趨勢，關懷國家長遠發展，在身體如風中殘燭自知來日無多時，主動決定就此結束蔣家政權，解嚴回歸憲法體制，這真是非常不容易的。不僅需要大智慧，還要有為國家前途擔起責任、作出歷史性抉擇的勇氣與魄力。

　當時沒有人有同樣的政治地位能做這個決定，如果他沒有先確定方向舖陳好布局，繼任的李登輝不可能那麼快就實現多項改革，台灣的民主之路也勢必有更多的衝撞與波折。他拚著最後一口氣，為台灣做了最後一次、也最重要的付出。

　接下來，民主改革過程中雖然也有抗爭、拉鋸、角力、衝突，前進之際也不時出現後挫，但比起其他國家，我們的民主路走得算是平穩順利的，沒有流血動亂或槍聲，便陸續實現了總統民選、國會改選與政權輪替，建立起一個由人民定期選擇執政者的民主體制。儘管缺失還很多，不成熟之處也待改進，但台灣的「寧靜革命」，真的值得全民同感驕傲。

　沒有人甘於被奴役，民主自由人權是人性共通的渴望，並不是西方的特產。儘管各國發展進度不一，但隨著社會條件的成熟，民主化是必然的道路。在這個過程中，如何避免動亂穩定轉型，是負責任而有見識的領導人必須嚴肅思考的。從解嚴到今天，台灣創下了歷史性的民主建樹，只是也許因為太寧靜了，我們常把台灣的民主視為當然，或者只看到缺點。其實對照之下，我們應該給予自己更多的肯定。