Businesses Hope the Government and Opposition will Value Cross-Strait Relations

Businesses Hope the Government and Opposition will Value Cross-Strait Relations
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
January 6, 2011

Summary: The 1992 Consensus makes subtle use of the term "one China, different interpretations" to set aside a half a century of cross-Strait political controversy, even while it helps maintain historical, cultural, and familial links. It is precisely these links that make peace and stability between Taiwan and Mainland China possible. It is the hope of the Chinese people as a whole, It is the hope of Chinese people on Taiwan.

Full Text Below:

Evergreen Group Chairman Chang Yung-fa has publicly endorsed the 1992 Consensus in no uncertain terms. Liao Ching-siang Liao, chairman of the Chi Mei Corporation, has also come forward and expressed his support. Soon after the candidates registered for the presidential election, one prominent business leader after another has expressed high hopes for cross-Strait relations. Ruling and opposition leaders vying for high office cannot afford to ignore the feelings of these business leaders, That is because these business leaders do not represent only "people with money." They are responsible for the livelihood of tens of thousands of their employees. DPP presidential candidate Tsai Ing-wen in particular, who still refuses to recognize the 1992 Consensus, must not overlook the interests of the people.

Liao Ching-siang is DPP candidate Lin Chia-lung's father in law. He is the right hand man of Hsu Wen-lung, founder of the Chi Mei corporation. During the 2000 ROC presidential election, Chi Mei and Eva were leading members of Chen Shui-bian's national policy advisory group. By any standard, whether "love of Taiwan" or the DPP's favorites, "nativist consciousness" and "Taiwanese consciousness," they qualify in spades. Their hearts are filled to overflowing with such sentiments. It is precisely because they have such strong feelings for Taiwan, that they understand what is most beneficial for Taiwan, The genuine and intense feelings they have for Taiwan, is not something politicians seeking election can fathom.

The DPP ruled for eight years, It had an historic opportunity to do something good for Taiwan. It had an opportunity to fulfill the expectations of the people of Taiwan. It had an opportunity to create a new cross-Strait relationship. Chen Shui-bian was prepared to accept Academia Sinica head Lee Yuan-tse's recommendations. He was prepared to recognize the "spirit of the 1992 talks." Unfortunately chairman of the Mainland Affairs Council Tsai Ing-wen prevented him from doing so. Lee Yuan-tse's bipartisan cross-Strait group came to nothing. As a result, cross-Strait relations remained tense and frozen, wracked by controversy.

The Lee Teng-hui era "spirit of the 92 talks" was interrupted during the eight year long Chen administration. But in 2005 KMT Honorary Chairman Lien Chan and Mainland General Secretary Hu Jintao reaffirmed the 1992 Consensus. This enabled the Ma administration to reestablish smooth relations with the Mainland soon after the KMT's return to power,

Without the 1992 Consensus, we would not have increasingly frequent cross-Strait direct flights, We would not have countless cottage industries, catering to wave upon wave of Mainland tourists, We would not have ECFA, which has enabled Taiwan products to flood the Mainland. We would not have the high-tech panel and appliance industries as bright spots in Taiwan's economy. When the financial tsunami struck, Mainland orders for home appliances kept us alive. These are all hard realities that Tsai Ing-wen cannot wish out of existence merely by closing her eyes.

Tsai Ing-wen may be determined to promote her "Taiwan consensus." But one cannot promote cross-Strait relations merely by wishful thinking. Taiwan may be divided by political differences. But consultations and negotiations with the outside requires one voice. This one voice must also be something the other can accept, Tsai Ing-wen wants to repudiate the 1992 Consensus. She even wants to repudiate the Republic of China, the one thing that the pro-reunification Blue Camp and the pro-independence Green Camp can agree on. Instead, she insists on underscoring how much her "Republic of China" and KMT presidential candidate Ma Ying-jeou's "Republic of China" differ. If this is Tsai Ing-wen's notion of national identity, then it is unacceptable even to most people on Taiwan, let alone the Mainland. Given her position, how can she possibly win the trust of Beijing? How can she possibly promote peaceful cross-Strait dialogue?

Mainland China may not recognize the Republic of China. But it recognizes the 1992 Consensus. It agrees that the "one China" recognized on Taiwan is the Republic of China. It is willing to refrain from repudiating the Republic of China, As far as Taiwan is concerned, this is a trivial distinction, and this is a highly advantageous situation. Why is the Mainland willing to make concessions to us, based on the 1992 Consensus? The reason is simple. It is because the two sides accept the "one China" premise, We merely express it differently. This preserves the historical connections between the two sides. It also opens up new possibilities for the future of cross-Strait relations.

Put simply, the two sides were both part of one China in the past, before the advent of divided rule in 1949. The two sides may well be reunited as one China again in the future. For this there is no timetable. The 1992 Consensus reaffirms that the two sides do not see each other as outsiders. It is precisely because the 1992 Consensus reaffirms that the two sides are one people, that the Mainland is willing and able to offer terms more favorable than it offers to foreigner. It is willing to offer Taiwan a wide range of concessions. It is willing to offer concessions Taiwan businessmen. It is willing to make it easier for the general population on Taiwan to enter and exit the Mainland. If the people on Taiwan and the people on Mainland China were not one people, the Mainland would have to treat people from Taiwan the way it treats people from Japan, South Korea, Europe, or the US. There would be no concessions whatsover.

Politically, Taiwan and the Mainland have different national allegiances. But culturally, Taiwan cannot pretend it does not share a common heritage with the Mainland. Lest we forget, except for Taiwan's Aborigines, the ancestors of everyone on Taiwan came from the Mainland. The only difference is when. Taiwan's folk customs all come from "China Proper." Not only do we celebrate the same folk festivals, we even hold the same holidays, and worship the same gods. What beliefs did not originate on the Mainland?

The 1992 Consensus makes subtle use of the term "one China, different interpretations" to set aside a half a century of cross-Strait political controversy, even while it helps maintain historical, cultural, and familial links. It is precisely these links that make peace and stability between Taiwan and Mainland China possible. It is the hope of the Chinese people as a whole, It is the hope of Chinese people on Taiwan.

企業對兩岸關係期待 朝野應重視
2012-01-06中國時報

繼長榮集團總裁張榮發公開力挺「九二共識」後，奇美實業董事長廖錦祥也出面表態，大選登記起跑後，國內知名企業紛紛表明他們對於兩岸關係的期待，競逐大位的朝野領袖不能無視於企業主的心聲，因為他們不只是「有錢人」，他們的肩上扛的是數以萬計的員工生計，特別是迄今猶否認「九二共識」的民進黨總統候選人蔡英文，萬萬不可輕忽人民的利益。

眾所周知，廖錦祥是民進黨立委候選人林佳龍的岳丈、奇美創辦人許文龍最重要的左右手，奇美與長榮都曾經是二千年總統大選時，陳水扁國政顧問團的龍頭成員，不論是愛台灣的心或民進黨最喜歡標榜的「本土意識」或「台灣意識」，他們不但不缺，甚至還充盈於心，正因為他們對台灣強烈的感情，讓他們更能體會什麼才是對台灣最有利的做法，這份對台灣真摰而強烈的感情，絕非政治人物的選舉算計可以比擬。

民進黨執政八年，本來很有機會為台灣、為曾經肩負台灣人民重大期待的民進黨創造一個歷史契機，帶領台灣開創一個嶄新的兩岸關係和進程，很遺憾的，當年陳水扁接受前中研院長李遠哲建議。準備接受「九二年對話的精神」，卻硬生生被時任陸委會主委的蔡英文擋下，李遠哲主持的跨黨派兩岸小組從此無疾而終。兩岸關係就此在緊張與持續的爭議中僵滯。

李登輝執政時期奠下的「九二精神」，在扁執政八年中斷，直到二○○五年才由國民黨榮譽主席連戰與大陸國家主席胡錦濤確認，並創造了「九二共識」這個名詞，國民黨重返執政後，馬政府得以在這個基礎下，順利開展兩岸關係。

沒有「九二共識」，就沒有如今愈見頻繁的兩岸直航航班、就沒有養活無數餐飲精品業的大陸觀光客、更沒有攸關台灣產品輸陸的兩岸經貿架構協議（ＥＣＦＡ）、而台灣高科技亮點的面板和家電，在金融海嘯之際，亦拜大陸家電下鄉政策下大量採購而維繫生機，凡此種種，都不是蔡英文視而不見就不存在的事實。

蔡英文或許有心推動她心目中的「台灣共識」，但是，要知道兩岸關係不是台灣一廂情願說了算，台灣內部不論有任何政治上的歧見，對外協商談判都得找出一套說法，而這個說法還得對方能夠接受，蔡英文為了否定「九二共識」，甚至挑戰台灣不分藍綠和統獨的最大共識就是中華民國，反而強調自己的中華民國與國民黨總統候選人馬英九的中華民國不一樣，如果這是蔡英文的國家定位，連多數台灣人民都無法認同，又如何取信於北京她是能推展兩岸和平發展的對話對象？

大陸即使不承認中華民國，卻認可「九二共識」，同意台灣認知的「一個中國」就是中華民國，形同不否認中華民國，對台灣而言，以小事大，這是最有利的處境。大陸為什麼願意在「九二共識」的基礎下「讓利」，原因很簡單，因為雙方接受了「一個中國」的前提，但表述方式不同，既延續了兩岸的歷史淵源，也開啟了兩岸關係的未來遠景。

用最直接的方式表述，兩岸不論是過去曾經有過的一個中國（一九四九年兩岸分治前），或是（未來可能完成的一個中國）沒有時間表，在「九二共識」的基礎下，確認了兩岸都沒將彼此視為外人。也正因為兩岸是自己人，大陸才可以用較其他國際各國更優惠的條件，給予台灣各種方便，不論是對台商的優惠措施或者一般人民出入境的便利，如果台灣和大陸不是一家人，大陸對待台灣彷彿對待日韓或歐美，還有何讓利可言？

在政治上，台灣和大陸有不同的國家認同，但在文化上，台灣卻不能切斷與大陸之間相連的血脈。不要忘了，除了原住民之外，在台灣所有住民的祖先無不是自大陸渡海而來，只是時間先後有別；台灣民間習俗無不源自大陸中原，不但過的民俗節日相同，連我們逢年過節祭祀的神明，哪一尊不是來自大陸的信仰？

「九二共識」微妙地用「一個中國，各自表述」擱置兩岸對峙半世紀之外的政治爭議，維繫歷史、文化、血脈的繼續相連，並因為這樣的連結，讓台灣和大陸能夠和平穩定共榮，這是中國人的希望，更是台灣人的希望。