Youth Power: Wanjun vs. Xiaocao

Youth Power: Wanjun vs. Xiaocao
United Daily News editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
A Translation
December 8, 2014

Executive Summary: Taiwan has a problem with justice. The basic problem is that the "class gap" is wider than the "generational gap." This is something the young generation must realize. During the recent election, the people got a taste of "youth power," full force. The "Wanjun" and "Xiaocao" streams showed that new generation discontent must be translated into political participation. Only then will young people be able to improve their lot.

Full Text Below: 

Observers of the nine in one elections underestimated the power of the younger generation in every way, from the propaganda offensive to voter mobilization. The younger generation had a profound impact on the election results. This emerging “youth power” participated in the recent elections, and includes two streams. One stream is the "Wanjun" or “Cyber Army,” which actively aired its views online. The other is the “Minzhu Xiaocao” stream, which used the election campaigns to infiltrate existing political parties at the grassroots level. Each stream has its own agenda. The long-term impact of the latter stream is likely to be substantial.

Wen-Je Ko won the enthusiastic support of many netizens. The younger generation used social networking to demand Ma Ying-jeou's ouster. It also opposed power elites. This won it considerable support. The Internet generation's alternative mobilization techniques persuaded many young people at the grassroots level to stand up and be counted. For example, Chen Jiheng, the newly elected Mayor of Chichi, in Nantou County, is a 30-something with a tech industry background. He ran on the ticket of the “Tree Party,” which split from the Green Party only three months ago. He was swept right into office. The Green Party won two council member seats. One candidate was the youngest person ever elected on Taiwan, 26-year-old Wang Hao-yu. He received the second highest number of votes among Taoyuan City council candidates. A mere doctoral candidate, Chou Chiang-jie, was also elected to the Hsinchu County Council.

Nor was that all. The DPP's “Minzhu Xiaocao”(democratic grassroots) plan  backed many young candidates for alderman. Forty-seven candidates were fielded. They won nine alderman races in six municipalities, and six more village and township races in other counties and municipalities. These “grassroots” candidates may constitute a small percentage of the larger political scene. But the younger generation is willing to work its way up from arid this nutrient-deprived grassroots level. By constantly planting new shoots, they may subvert the traditional model for grassroots politics. Over time, they may flourish. From this perspective, the development is cause for optimism. This of course is something the KMT must also do.

In recent years, one protest has followed on the heels of another. The Ta Pu protests were followed by protests against urban renewal and the death of Hung Chung-chiu, and more recently by protests staged by the Sunflower Student Movement. Various social movements on Taiwan claim to be fighting on behalf of justice. The front lines are often manned by members of the younger generation. They have raised the banner of "generational justice."  They are reminiscent of surging youth demonstrations the world over, including the Jasmine Revolution and the Wall Street movement. All of these involve generational tensions rooted in globalization. Taiwan has not been spared. The election results were an outbreak of accumulated youth anger.

On the surface, the ability of these “Wanjun” to set the agenda by pounding away on their keyboards all day is immense. The rapidity with which they can spread ideas by social networking is amazing. The anger in their hearts is real. But on a deeper level, The Wanjun are emotional, and lack restraint. They often behave irrationally. They lack the insight required to cope with the inevitable frustrations one encounters in real life. Therefore when the government confronts this "youth power," it must do more than just listen to their demands. It must help them overcome their anger. It must help them understand the nature of society. It must help them solve social problems. It must help them understand life. It must help them find a new direction for the nation. All these are essential.

Chang San-cheng is about to take over the post of deputy premier. He says his administration will heed the "Wanjun." But he must remember that the government cannot merely implement some "little things that make us happy” style measures. That will not win over the Internet generation. That will not help one recruit a vast Cyber Army. That will not tame the new generation. If Chang attempts that, he will be barking up the wrong tree. Any effect is likely to be negative. The key is not Cyber Army wildfires. The key is real world generational contradictions. The government must implement generational transition. It must solve economic, social, and political generational conflicts. Only that offers a root cure.

The new generation faces lost opportunities due to changing times. The younger generation hides out in cyberspace venting its anger and frustrations. Either that, or it takes to the streets and protests. In fact, it would be better if they participated in the political process and sought reform. They might have a greater impact. During the recent election, the KMT did nothing. As a result it suffered a major defeat. The DPP also did nothing. Yet it enjoyed a major victory. This shows that democracy has seriously malfunctioned. Where does the problem lie? Does the political and economic system need a major course change? Does the national resource allocation system need to be be realigned? Only by allowing new blood into politics, can one find a solution. From this point of view, "Minzhu Xiaocao" sowing seeds at the grass roots, means a great deal.

Taiwan has a problem with justice. The basic problem is that the "class gap" is wider than the "generational gap." This is something the young generation must realize. During the recent election, the people got a taste of "youth power," full force. The "Wanjun" and "Xiaocao" streams showed that new generation discontent must be translated into political participation. Only then will young people be able to improve their lot.

青勢力：解讀「婉君」和「小草」的分流
【聯合報╱社論】
2014.12.08 02:08 am

九合一選舉，從文宣攻防到投票動員，年輕世代的力量不可小覷，也對選舉結果產生了深刻影響。若將這股力量稱為「青勢力」，青年世代的政治參與在這次選舉中出現兩股分流：一股是活躍在輿論表層的「婉君」（網軍），另一股則是藉選舉潛入政治基層的「民主小草」，兩者各有目標，而後者的長期影響將更可觀。

這次選舉，不僅柯文哲獲得了網友的狂熱支持，青年世代透過社群網站呼籲倒馬、反權貴，也收到了可觀的效果。除此之外，網路世代的另類動員，也促成了一些年輕素人在基層的出線。例如，南投縣集集鎮選出的新鎮長，是年方卅、科技業出身的陳紀衡，他披的是三個月前才從綠黨分裂的「樹黨」戰袍，一舉當選。此外，綠黨這次也誕生了兩名議員，包括全台最年輕的當選人——廿六歲的王浩宇，以第二高票當選桃園市議員；以及仍就讀博士班的周江杰，當選新竹縣議員。

不僅如此，民進黨號召青年競選里長的「民主小草」計畫，共推出四十七名候選人，結果拿下六都的九個里長以及其他縣市的六個鄉鎮民代表。在整個政治的大盤中，這些「小草」所占的比率雖然不高，但年輕世代願意從養分貧瘠的基層開拓耕耘，藉由不斷植入較新穎的理念，應能持續顛覆台灣傳統的基層政治經營模式，久而久之，或許能產生開枝散葉的效果。從這點看，是值得樂觀的發展，這當然也是國民黨必須警惕的事。

近幾年，從大埔事件到都更抗爭，從洪仲丘事件到太陽花學運，台灣社會各項訴諸正義的抗爭，前線的戰鬥主力屢屢由新世代擔綱，擎起了「世代正義」的大旗。這和世界風起雲湧的青年示威、茉莉花革命，乃至占領華爾街運動一樣，都是全球化衝擊引發世代緊張的一環，台灣亦未倖免。這次的選舉結果，正是這股青年憤怒積累之後的總爆發。

從表層看，網路上這些成天敲著鍵盤沸沸揚揚的各路「婉君」，他們創造議題的能力是強大的，他們透過社群網路散播訊息的速度是驚人的，他們心中的憤怒也是極真實的。但深一層看，這些婉君們宣洩情緒的方式是缺乏節制的，他們探討問題的方式有時流於非理性，他們面對生命、處理挫折的態度則是不太瞻前顧後的。也因此，政府面對這股「青勢力」，除了呼應他們的想法與需要，如何引導他們走出憤怒的循環，如何讓他們透過參與了解社會問題的本質和解決之道，如何提升他們看待人生及國家格局的眼光，恐怕都不可或缺。

也因此，當即將接任副閣揆的張善政提到未來施政將把「婉君」和年輕人放在心上時，他必須意識到，政府不能只是提出一些「小確幸」措施，就想要籠絡網路世代；或以為培養一支網路大軍，就能馴服新世代。如果那樣的話，不僅是抓錯處方開錯藥，可能更收到反效果。關鍵不在「婉君」的喧囂野火，而在現實的世代矛盾；政府必須正視價值與實踐的世代遷移，並設法解決經濟、社會、政治各層面的世代矛盾，才是根本之道。

再回到新世代的立場看，面對自己因時代變化而流失的機會，年輕族群與其躲在網路自艾自怨，或游擊於街頭抗議發洩情緒，不如進入政治親自尋求體制的改革力量，或許能產生更大的能量。這次選舉，國民黨因缺乏作為而大敗，民進黨因缺乏作為而大勝，都顯示民主政治已面臨嚴重的功能性障礙。其中癥結，究竟是政經制度需要徹底改弦更張，或者是國家資源分配制度必須重新調整，只有讓更多新血投入政治，才能發現解決之道。從這點看，「民主小草」的植根基層，便具有更積極的意義。

台灣的正義課題，基本上是「階級差距」大過「世代差距」，這是年輕世代必須認清的方向。這次選舉，人們已領略了「青勢力」的奔放，而從「婉君」與「小草」的分流看，新世代浮泛的不滿若能轉為實際的政治參與，應更有助改善青年自身的處境。