China Times Editorial (Taipei, Taiwan, ROC)
April 9, 2015
Executive Summary: Speculation on next year's election results may be premature. But are the voters really that easy to deceive? Tsai Ing-wen has yet to take a position. That means her position remains unchanged from what it was in the past. That means she still refuses to recognize the 1992 consensus, that she intends to seal Taiwan off from the rest of the world, that she intends to return to confrontation with the Mainland, and that she intends to return Taiwan to what it was seven years ago. If Tsai Ing-wen thinks this characterization of her is unfair, she need not be shy. Tell the public on Taiwan what is really in your heart.
Full Text Below:
Tsai Ing-wen is the DPP 2016 presidential candidate. Both Mainland China and the United States have taken an unusual step. They have issued stern warnings to the DPP regarding its cross-Strait policy. Popular green camp mayor Wen-Je Ko surprised everyone by issuing his own "New Perspectives for 2015", reaching an understanding with the Mainland on the "one China" issue. These developments have clearly exerted pressure on the green camp regarding its cross-Strait policy. Over the past few days green camp elders have spoken out on cross-Strait issues. They have all addressed the DPP bottom line on Mainland China policy.
Among them was Frank Hsieh, who said, "A Taiwan consensus is not the same as a DPP consensus", and should include the opinions of the KMT and other parties. It should also include the position of the "current ROC Constitution." Hung Chi-chang wants the DPP to pledge that if it returns to power in 2016, it will not pursue de jure Taiwan independence. Hung said the DPP should formulate an intraparty "Resolution on the Republic of China." Hsu Hsin-liang wants the DPP to understand that any cross-Strait concept the Mainland cannot accept, the United States cannot accept. These statements and ideas undeniably differ little from the blue camp position on cross-Strait policy.
Why are so many green camp elders suddenly so eager to express their views on cross-Strait issues, now, at election time? None of these views are mainstream green camp views. Why are they so anxious? The answer is obvious. On the final mile to the presidency, the key remains green camp cross-Strait policy. They heard Taipei Mayor Wen-Je Ko issue his "New Perspectives for 2015" and say that "The one China principle is not a problem." They heard the Mainland's Taiwan Affairs Office express open "appreciation" for Ko's declaration. They think that if the green camp fails to seize this rare opportunity, then early next year all sorts of obstacles could prevent the DPP from negotiating the final mile.
The problem is that no matter how anxious these green camp elders might feel, DPP Chairperson Tsai Ing-wen remains as immovable as a mountain. Everyone is waiting for Tsai Ing-wen to make her cross-Strait policy clear, in advance. But her response to all of them has been "No comment". She often makes statements that sound quite reasonable. But on closer examination, one realizes she in fact said nothing.
Tsai Ing-wen's recent comments on cross-Strait issues have reminded people why they call her "kong xin cai" or "no substance Tsai". She said "Recently many people have expressed concern over DPP cross-Strait policy. We have heard their views. Maintaining stable cross-Strait relations and maintaining security in the Taiwan Strait, remains our common goal. As for the future of Taiwan, it must be decided by the 23 million people living on it. That is the social consensus." Such words sound agreeable enough. But in fact they say nothing.
Why is Tsai Ing-wen so calm? She is calm because she has her strategy all mapped out. According to the polls, if the election were held tomorrow, she would become president. The 2016 presidency is hers for the taking. Why should she make her position any clearer? If she moves too close to the center, she runs the risk of offending deep green Taiwan independence elements. If she moves too close to the Taiwan independence fundamentalists, she will raise eyebrows on both sides of the Strait and in the United States. She has concluded that for her, the best position is no position. All of her statements are vague and fuzzy. Anything that can be put off, gets put off. After all, she's already won, right?
Tsai Ing-wen may think that time is on her side, that once she achieves her presidential dream that will be that. But how much time does Taiwan have left to squander? Her political party has obstructed passage of the STA, MTA, and other bills. Taiwan independence groups are pushing to amend the referendum law. Evidently Tsai opposes membership in the AIIB. It is precisely because she refuses to take a stand, that anti-STA, pro-Taiwan independence student movement voices are growing louder. They are about to snatch the green camp bully pulpit from the green camp mainstream. Tsai Ing-wen's silence has not just allowed the new generation to speak. It has tacitly affirmed their position. Put even more plainly, her refusal to take a stand has enabled deep green Taiwan independence fundamentalists to hijack her party.
If this is actually what Tsai Ing-wen wants, that would be one thing. After all, this is what she wanted at one time. But recently many want her to take a clear stand before she assumes high office. They want her to adopt a broader perspective. They want her to be more responsible. They want her to offer her own cross-Strait vision. Anyone who aspires to be a leader should evince such tolerance and insight. But apparently Tsai Ing-wen feels no need to do so. She thinks that even if she refuses to take a stand, she will nevertheless be elected. That is why even though green camp elders are anxious, she sits idly by, as motionless as a mountain.
Speculation on next year's election results may be premature. But are the voters really that easy to deceive? Tsai Ing-wen has yet to take a position. That means her position remains unchanged from what it was in the past. That means she still refuses to recognize the 1992 consensus, that she intends to seal Taiwan off from the rest of the world, that she intends to return to confrontation with the Mainland, and that she intends to return Taiwan to what it was seven years ago. If Tsai Ing-wen thinks this characterization of her is unfair, she need not be shy. Tell the public on Taiwan what is really in your heart.
中國大陸與美國罕見提前對民進黨的兩岸政策強烈表態， 綠營人氣市長柯文哲接著出人意表提出「新一五觀點」與大陸在「 一中問題」上取得相互諒解的立場， 這些發展對綠營的兩岸政策顯然形成壓力， 最近幾天綠營幾位大老紛紛針對兩岸議題發言， 無一不衝擊了民進黨中國政策的底線。
應包含國民黨和其他黨的主張，並包括「中華民國憲法現狀」。 洪奇昌則期待民進黨能夠表述，2016年若執政將不追求台灣法理 獨立，同時民進黨內能夠孕育出「中華民國決議文」。 許信良則希望民進黨能瞭解在兩岸關係上， 凡是大陸不能接受的主張，就是美國不能接受的主張。不諱言的說， 這些論述與主張，與藍營在兩岸政策上的立場， 看不出有多大的分歧。
爭相發表他們對兩岸的看法？ 而且這些看法全都不是綠營的主流觀點？他們在焦慮些什麼？ 想也知道，在邁向執政的最後一哩路上， 綠營在兩岸政策上的論述究竟為何，依舊是關鍵中的關鍵。 他們目睹台北市長柯文哲所謂「一個中國並不是問題」的「 新一五觀點」，受到大陸國台辦的公開「讚賞」， 認為綠營若不把握這個難得機會，明年初能否跨越那最後一哩路， 還是存在變數。
民進黨主席蔡英文依舊不動如山！簡單的說， 儘管各界一再期待蔡英文早早針對兩岸政策做清楚表態， 但她的回應一概都是「不論述」， 她常常說了許多看似挺有道理的話，但深究就會發現， 她其實是什麼都沒說！
！她說「這段時間以來，關切民進黨兩岸政策的人非常多， 各方的意見也都聽到，維持兩岸關係的穩定、 台海安全與關係的穩定，這是大家共同的目標；至於台灣前途由23 00萬人決定，這也是社會最大的共識。」這幾句話說得頭頭是道， 但實際上卻是什麼都沒說！
畢竟如果根據民調乃至種種趨勢分析，如果明天就投票， 她已然是總統了，如果說2016的總統大位已是垂手可得， 她何必要講清楚，說明白？太向中間靠攏， 可能冒得罪黨內深綠獨派的風險，太向基本教義派靠攏， 又會引發對岸乃至美國的疑慮，她認為此刻最好的表態方式，就是「 不表態」，一切的表述語言都盡量含混化、模糊化，能拖就拖， 反正一切都等當選再說！
她只須一圓總統夢就好了，但台灣還有多少時間虛擲呢？ 她所屬的政黨已經擋下了服貿、貨貿等法案， 獨派團體正在力推修改公投法，看樣子接下來也不會支持加入「 亞投行」，也正是因為她不表態， 昔日以反服貿為班底的獨派學運團體聲音卻越來越大， 儼然有要篡奪綠營主流話語權之勢，蔡英文的沉默， 不僅給了這些新世代更多的機會，也形同就是默認了他們的立場！ 講再白一點，她不願表態，就會一路被深綠基本教義派全面綁架了！
畢竟這本來也是她過往的想法！過去一段時日， 之所以會有許多人希望她能清楚表態， 其實是期盼她在邁向大位之前，能以更宏觀、更具高度的視野， 向台灣選民負責任的提出她對兩岸的願景與看法， 這是一個有意要擔任領導的人，本來就該有的氣度與識見， 但是很遺憾的，蔡英文好像並不認為有需要這樣做， 因為她認為她就算不表態，也一定會當選，所以， 哪怕所有綠營大老都急了，她卻好整以暇，不動如山！
但選民真的那麼好騙嗎？要知道，蔡英文一直不表態， 表示她的立場就是先前的，一切都沒變，包括不承認有九二共識， 就是打算將台灣重新帶向「鎖國」、走向「對抗」，如同7年前的狀 況一樣，如果蔡英文不承認這樣的評論，那麼請不要再迴避， 告訴台灣人，妳心中真實的想法是什麼！